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With a Coloured Map and 7 Figures in text 

Edited by 


Professor of Geography in the University of Oxford 


Assistant Secretary of the British Association for the Advancement 

of Science 






The object of this series is to furnish a survey 
of the British Empire and its constituent parts 
in their geographical and allied aspects, together 
with their economic, administrative, and social 
conditions, at the present time. History has not 
been included as an integral part of the scheme, 
except for the inclusion of a general historical 
summary in the General Volume ; for the rest, 
historical references have been included only in 
so far as they were found desirable for the explana- 
tion of existing conditions. The history of the 
Empire has been brought under review elsewhere, 
notably in the Oxford Historical Geography, edited 
by Sir Charles Lucas. 

The series is in six volumes, and the subject- 
matter is thus distributed : 

I. The British Isles and Mediterranean terri- 
tories (Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus). 
II. Asiatic territories. 

III. African territories (with adjacent islands, 

Mauritius, &c, St. Helena, Ascension, and 
Tristan da Cunha). 

IV. American territories (with the Falkland 

Islands and dependencies). 
V. Australasian territories (including islands in 
the Pacific Ocean and the British sector 
in Antarctica). 
VI. General. 


The Editors have been in close consultation 
throughout as to the general plan and details of 
the work. They have shared between them the 
arrangements with the contributors, for whose 
collaboration they express their thanks. Professor 
Herbertson has undertaken the major part of the 
work connected with the maps ; Mr. Howarth 
has carried out the greater part of the editorial 
work in its later stages, has dealt with the illustra- 
tions (in the five topographical volumes), and has 
seen the volumes through the press. 

It is desired to acknowledge Mrs. Howarth' s 
collaboration in the work of indexing, and Mr. O. 
Brilliant's assistance in the compilation of the 
gazetteer references in the topographical volumes. 



I. British Colonial Administration and its 

Agencies ....... 1 

By Sir Charles P. Lucas, K.C.M.G., K.C.B., formerly 
Head of Dominions Department, Colonial Office. 

II. The Foreign Office and its Agencies . . 70 
By R. M. Barrington-Ward. 

III. The Legal Problems of the Empire . . 87 

By Arthur Page. 

IV. Summary of Imperial History . . .118 

By H. E. Egerton, M.A., Beit Professor of Colonial 
History in the University of Oxford. 

V. Imperial Defence ..... 180 

VI. Educational Problems of the Empire . 230 

By E. B. Sargant, M.A., formerly Director of 
Education, Transvaal and Orange Free State. 

VII. Problems of Health and Acclimatization in 

the British Dominions beyond the Seas . 266 
By F. M. Sandwith, M.D., F.R.C.P. 

VIII. The Mapping of British Territories . . 306 
By Colonel C. F. Close, R.E., C.M.G., Director- 
General of the Ordnance Survey. 

IX. Some Aspects of Imperial Commerce and 

Communication — Migration — Conclusion . 342 
By O. J. R. Howarth, M.A., Assistant Secretary 
of the British Association, joint-Editor. 

General Statistics 363 

By Harold Macfarlane, F.S.S. 

Index 379 



1. Imperial Maritime Trade : Map of Routes .... 197 

2. Intercolonial Commercial Exchanges. .... 345 

3. Total Trade of the Empire, 1897-1911 . . . .369 

4. Imperial Trade with Foreign Countries, 1898-1911 . . 370 

5. Trade of United Kingdom, &c, with Foreign Countries, 1897- 

1911 373 

6. Shipping 374 

7. Revenue 374 

Map of the World, showing British Possessions. End of volume 



By Sir Charles P. Lucas 

The Colonial Office is a modern institution, the result, Early 
like the British Empire itself, of growth and evolution, ^lonkl ° f 
There was nothing answering to it in the empires of old adminis- 
days. In his essay on the Government of Dependencies, 
Sir George Cornewall Lewis writes : ' The ancient states 
had no public department or even functionary specially 
charged with the superintendence and control of the 
governments of the dependencies, and of the conduct of 
their respective governors.' In the Roman system, under 
the Republic, the governors of the provinces, so far as 
they were under any control during their term of office, 
were under the control of the Senate. When Augustus 
substituted an empire for a republic, he divided the charge 
of the provinces between the Senate and himself, and those 
provinces fared best which were directly subordinate to 
the emperor. But he had no cabinet and no secretaries 
of state. Rome knew nothing of a division of duties or 
of an office or minister specially concerned with colonies 
and dependencies. To find an instance of such an office 
we must look to modern history, and Lewis tells us that 
' the Spanish Council of the Indies was the first example 
of a separate public department in a dominant country 
for the management of dependencies *. 1 

Lewis published his book in 1841, after Lord Durham's 
Report had been published, but before responsible govern- 
ment for the colonies, which that report advocated, had 
come fully into existence. Clear and logical in thought 
and writing, he assumed that colonies must be either 

1 1891 Edition, pp. 162-3. 
13216 B 


dependencies or independent states, and that, therefore, 
a Colonial Office must be an office for the government of 
dependencies. So it was exclusively in its original form. 
So it is — but not exclusively — at the present day. 
Spanish The Spanish Royal Council of the Indies dated 
ofThe 11 fr° m tne eai> ly years of the sixteenth century. Spanish 
Indies. America came into being with a rush — with a wave of 
conquest — in marked contrast to the toilsome process 
by which the overseas dominions of most other European 
nations, notably the English, were acquired ; and it 
stands greatly to the credit of Spain that no time was lost 
in organizing some system for the administration and 
control of her new possessions. The Council of the Indies 
began to exist in one form or another in the year 1511, 
and was made a permanent organization by Charles V 
in 1524. Subordinate to it, and even earlier in date of 
origin, was a Board of Trade, which had its home at 
Seville, the river port to which trade with the Spanish 
Indies, both import and export trade, was confined. 
This was known as the Casa de Contratacion, which was 
established in 1503. The Council of the Indies was centred 
at Madrid, and was usually presided over by the king 
himself. It was the King's Council, for the control of 
the king's dominions beyond the Atlantic ; and it governed 
Spanish America, so far as the government resided in 
the mother country, being supreme alike in legislative, 
administrative, and judicial matters. It was the earliest 
instance of a Colonial Office, of a fully organized agency 
in the dominant country or mother-land for dealing 
with overseas possessions. It was concerned with the 
results of conquest more than of colonization, and it was 
a machine for giving effect to the will of a despotic ruler. 
Evolution All parts of the British Empire, Crown colonies and self- 
British governing provinces alike, are, as they have always been, 
Empire, the King's dominions. The term is no meaningless title, 
for the Crown is as much as ever, perhaps more than ever, 
the one great bond which holds the whole fabric together ; 
but the British Empire, in its existing form and extent, 
and the present-day organization which handles the 


British possessions beyond the seas, have grown up very 

The English took to ocean enterprise almost as soon 
as the Spaniards. Bristol sent out Cabot to discover 
North America within five years from the first great 
discovery of Columbus ; but the sixteenth century, which 
saw the rise and greatness of the Spanish Empire, was for 
the English a preliminary time, a time of exploration and 
adventure, of the beginnings of companies, and of legiti- 
mate overseas trade on the Newfoundland banks and 
elsewhere, coupled with much privateering. One declara- 
tion of British sovereignty there was, by Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert, over Newfoundland in 1583, and in the next few 
years Ralegh tried to colonize Virginia, but failed (p . 120). 
We can hardly date the beginning of the British Empire 
before the seventeenth century, which gives it a history 
up to date of rather more than three centuries. 

For the purpose of tracing the evolution of the Colonial 
Office and British colonial administration, it will be well 
to notice the leading features of these three centuries in 
respect of the overseas work of Great Britain. The 
seventeenth century has a character of its own. So has 
the eighteenth century, with the early years of the nine- 
teenth century to the battle of Waterloo ; so has the 
nineteenth century, and after, to the present day. 

The seventeenth century for England was a time of The 
great unrest at home. It began with a new line of kings, ^Inth 
imported from Scotland. When it ended, a Dutchman century. 
was on the throne. In the interval there was civil war, 
a king was beheaded, the monarchy was abolished, a 
republic was established which became a despotism, the 
Stuart kings were brought back, and finally they were 
turned out again. It was, in short, in Great Britain, a 
century of perpetually changing authority. The principal 
wars were of the nature of civil wars, including war in 
Scotland and Ireland. It was not a great time of foreign 
war. The most serious foreign wars were naval and 
trading wars with the Dutch. It was not till the closing 
years of the century that the long struggle between 



England and France began. Over the seas it was a busy 
time for British trade and settlement, settlement taking 
place almost entirely in the West, in America and the 
West Indies, trade being much in evidence also on the 
West Coast of Africa, and the East Indies. It was an age 
when empire-making chartered companies came into 
existence, alike for forming colonies and for trade. The 
century opened with the birth of the East India Company, 
which obtained its charter from Queen Elizabeth on 
December 31, 1600. The Hudson's Bay Company is of 
later origin, dating from 1670. The Virginia Company, 
the earliest of many companies which made or marred the 
beginnings of the United States of America, obtained its 
first charter in 1606 ; and various chartered companies 
went to work on the West Coast of Africa. 

During the century Great Britain acquired permanent 
footholds in different parts of the world, but very few of 
them were, like Jamaica taken by Cromwell from Spain, 
the result of conquest. British colonization, which began 
in this century, was in its origin almost entirely the out- 
come of trade and private initiative. The State gave 
charters, and so far licensed or favoured trade and settle- 
ment. But the colonists, unless they were transported 
as criminals or political prisoners, were not sent out by the 
Government, and in large measure they went out to be 
rid of the Government. The Government meanwhile, 
as has been said, was constantly changing ; there was 
therefore no continuity or system in colonial adminis- 
tration, and self-government for the colonies grew up in 
fact if not in name. 
The The eighteenth century and onwards to 1815 was 

teenth wholly different from the preceding age. It was in the 
century, main a century and more of foreign war with France and 
the nations that followed the lead of France, supplemented 
by civil war with English colonists, whose severance 
from the British Empire was also determined by their 
mother country's war with France. It was an age which 
began with Marlborough and ended with Wellington, and 
the first half of which, ending with the Peace of Paris in 


1763, was marked at its close by the victories of Wolfe 
and Clive. It was an age when gain and loss were almost 
entirely the result of fighting ; and in the most notable 
case during this era, when the empire acquired a new and 
great province by peaceful means, the acquisition was 
still the direct outcome of action by the State. This was 
the acquisition of Australia. It was a righting time, when 
notwithstanding trade went on apace. It was a time 
when there was more continuity than in the preceding 
century, and when attempts were made at some kind of 
system ; but the development of systematic administra- 
tion was hindered by perpetual war, and when at length 
a Colonial Office emerged, it was an office of war and the 

The nineteenth century and after, from the battle of The 
Waterloo down to the present day, has to some extent ^nth 
combined the characteristics of the two preceding cen- century 
turies, and yet has been widely different from either, the 
difference being largely due to scientific invention. War 
has been much in evidence, but it has not been, with the 
exception of the Crimean War, which had little or no 
bearing on overseas enterprise, war with any European 
nation. The wars have been local wars with coloured 
races, within or on the borders of one or more provinces 
of the Empire. One notable war there has been with 
white men, the semi-civil war in South Africa. It has 
been a great era of acquisition, but very especially of 
acquisition by expansion, of extending existing frontiers, 
and filling in vacant spaces. It has been an era when 
the State has been far more in evidence than in the seven- 
teenth century, and private enterprise far more in evidence 
than in the eighteenth century. On the other hand, the 
State has been in evidence as much in relaxing authority 
as in asserting itself. It has taken over India from a 
chartered company, but has conceded self-government in 
fullest measure to British North America, Australasia, 
and South Africa. It has carried free trade further than 
has been the case in any other leading country, and has 
left the self-governing dominions to fix what tariffs they 


please. This century, like the eighteenth century, falls 
into two divisions, the dividing line being drawn a little 
before the year 1880. In the last thirty or forty years 
little short of a new empire has come into existence, 
promoted as of old by foreign — in this latest phase mainly 
German — competition, evolved as of old largely through 
the agency of chartered companies, the British North 
Borneo Company, the Royal Niger Company, the Imperial 
British East Africa Company, and the British South 
Africa Company. Outside the tropics, starting from the 
British North America Act of 1867, the self-governing 
dominions have been taking final shape as nations. 
Evolu- Such being, in rough outline, the evolution of the 

colonial British Empire (which may be followed more closely in 
adminis- Chapter IV), how far has it been accompanied by a 
ra lon * parallel evolution of a government agency or agencies in 
the United Kingdom, for dealing with the British over- 
seas possessions ? 

These possessions, it must be repeated, were and are 
the King's dominions. Their allegiance was and is to the 
Crown. As the constitutional monarchy in the United 
Kingdom has been evolved, and as the relations between 
King, Parliament, and people have from time to time been 
modified and adjusted, so the King's will in regard to his 
overseas dominions has been conveyed through different 
channels, and from time to time the advisers of the Crown 
have been differently constituted. 
Absence In the beginning the King's Council was obviously the 
systemin Board to advise the King on overseas matters. Parlia- 
the seven- me nt had not then the powers that it now has ; and 
century, though, even in the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI, 
Acts of Parliament were passed relating to the Newfound- 
land fisheries, parliamentary grants were not required, 
and laws, as a rule, were not wanted for the prosecution 
of overseas enterprise. What was wanted was a royal 
licence whereunder private citizens or collections of 
private citizens could go to work beyond the seas without 
let or hindrance from British subjects, or from the subjects 
of powers in amity with Great Britain. There were Royal 


Patents for discovery and trade from Cabot's time on- 
wards, but we need not go behind the beginning of the 
seventeenth century ; and it has been seen that that 
century was a time when chartered companies were 
numerous, and trade and settlement abounded, but when 
substantial authority was at a discount, when British 
citizens went very much their own ways beyond the seas, 
and in some years of which colonies were places of refuge 
from England, rather than places for the enlargement of 
England. We do not look for, and certainly should not 
find, any well-defined system of colonial administration 
in the seventeenth century. There is, until the last years 
of the century, an entire absence of continuity. 

As Professor Egerton has pointed out in his Short 
History of British Colonial Policy} the first charter granted 
to the Virginia Company in 1606, when James I was King, 
contemplated a Royal Council for the colonies ; but the 
council never came into being, and there is no evidence 
of special committees of the Privy Council or of special 
commissions appointed by the Privy Council to deal 
either with trade or with colonies before the year 1622. 
It will be borne in mind that throughout the seventeenth 
century, trade and plantations or colonies went hand in 
hand; and, so far as the Government was concerned, 
trade rather than colonization set the tune. The Naviga- 
tion Acts were passed, directed against the great trading 
rivals of England, the Dutch ; and those Acts, as will be 
further pointed out, largely embodied the colonial policy 
of Great Britain. 

In any attempts at organization and control during this Trade and 
century, therefore, we should expect to find, and we do tions. a " 
find, trade and plantations constantly overlapping each 
other. In 1622-3, a special commission on trade was 
appointed to report to the Council. In 1 625 King Charles I 
constituted a Commission of Trade on a broader basis, 
placing within its purview plantation matters as well as 
trade pure and simple. In March 1630, a Privy Council 
Committee of Trade was appointed which lasted for ten 

1 2nd Edition, pp. 25-8. 


years. The King usually presided over it ; all matters 
of trade which came before the Privy Council were referred 
to it, and it had executive as well as advisory powers. 
But it was not much concerned with business relating to 
the plantations. To deal with this latter business, tem- 
porary commissions and committees of the Council were 
appointed to deal with particular colonies or cases, such 
as a ' Committee on the New England plantations ' ; and 
on April 28, 1634, King Charles constituted a Commission 
for Foreign Plantations to deal with all colonial matters, 
at the head of which was Archbishop Laud. This com- 
mission, which was really a committee of the Privy Council, 
was given the fullest powers ' for making laws and orders 
for the government of English colonies ', and it lasted till 
about the year 1641, till the rupture between King and 
Parliament. It ' seems to have been created as a result 
of the steady Puritan emigration to New England, with 
the object of enforcing the royal will beyond the sea V 
and it may be taken as the first embryo of a British 
Colonial Office. 
House of The Long Parliament came into existence in 1640, and 
Commons ^ e Commons began to assert their right to have a voice 
colonial on colonial questions. In November 1643 a special 
tions: commission was appointed by Parliament to control 
Council of business relating to the plantations. It consisted of 
eighteen members, among whom were John Pym, Oliver 
Cromwell, and Sir Harry Vane, its president being Robert 
Rich, Earl of Warwick, who had been much concerned in 
colonial and trading enterprise in connexion with the West 
Indies and the West Coast of Africa. This commission 
seems to have remained in existence up to the date of the 
execution of King Charles. Subsequently, down to the 
Restoration, from 1649 to 1660, colonial questions were 
dealt with by the Council of State. The Council of State 
acted as a Board of Trade and Plantations, and various 
short-lived committees were formed out of it, supple- 
mented by mixed boards in which merchants were 

1 American Colonial Government, 1696-1765, by Professor 0. M. Dickerson, 
p. 17. 


included, such as a standing committee of officers and 
merchants appointed by Cromwell, in 1656, to take 
cognizance of all matters in Jamaica and the West Indies, 
Jamaica having been acquired in the previous year. Side 
by side with the Council of State and its committees there 
existed from 1650 to 1653 a commission or council of trade, 
created by Act of Parliament in August 1650, and presided 
over by Sir Harry Vane. The instructions to this com- 
mission included the English plantations in America or 
elsewhere, but as a matter of fact, the commissioners 
dealt only with trade, and left the plantations to the 
charge of the Council of State. 

When the monarchy was restored, no time was lost in Privy 
paying attention to colonial business, and merchant c^ 011 
advisers came more to the front ; but still there was mittee 
little or no continuity or system. On the 4th of July, ciis for™ 1 
1660, a committee of the Privy Council for Trade and ^ade and 
Plantations was appointed, and was supplemented in tions. 
November and December of the same year by two 
councils, one a Council of Trade, the other a Council for 
Foreign Plantations. These two councils seem to have 
remained in existence till 1665, when the business of 
trade and plantations reverted wholly to the Privy 
Council and its committee or committees. In 1668 four 
standing committees of the Council were constituted, one 
of which was for trade and plantations. In that same 
year the Council of Trade was revived. In 1670 the 
Council for Plantations was revived. In 1672 these two 
councils were amalgamated, and finally in 1674 the com- 
mission which had created the combined Council was 
revoked, and once more colonial matters fell back into 
the charge of a committee of the Privy Council. There 
was no further change until the year 1696, when on 
May 15 King William III created a new Board of Trade 
and Plantations. 1 

Taking this year as the end of the seventeenth century, 

1 The above has been mainly taken from British Committees, Commissions, 
and Councils of Trade and Plantations, 1622-75, by C. M. Andrews, ' Johns 
Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science,' 1908. 


it is clear that throughout the century there was no 
system and no continuity in dealing with colonial matters, 
as there was no system and no continuity in colonial 
matters themselves. The times made for want of control, 
for self-government abroad, for non-interference in Eng- 
land. The nearest approach to continuity of machinery 
is to be found in the Privy Council or its equivalent 
under the Commonwealth. In other words, there was 
little outward sign of a Colonial Office as a separate agency 
during the seventeenth century. 
Naviga- While, however, we look in vain in this seventeenth 
century for a Colonial Office, a recognized separate agency 
for dealing with the British colonies and dependencies, 
we find in the Navigation Acts a pronouncement of a 
more or less definite and continuous colonial policy. 
These Acts originated, as has been said, in the competition 
of the Dutch with the English for naval and commercial 
supremacy. Adam Smith wrote : 

' The defence of Great Britain depends very much upon 
the number of its sailors and shipping.' and his verdict 
upon the Navigation Acts was that ' as defence is of much 
more importance than opulence, the act of navigation is 
perhaps the wisest of all the commercial regulations of 
England \ 1 

But, originating in the desire to make and keep England 
as a nursery for sailors by reserving to British ships the 
British carrying trade, these Acts embodied the view that 
for Great Britain at any rate trade was the raison d'etre 
of colonies, and that in dealing with colonies trade con- 
siderations should be paramount. This was for many 
generations the settled colonial policy of England. In 
1646 the Long Parliament passed a Navigation Act, which 
was followed by a similar enactment in 1651. When the 
Restoration came in 1660, the first Parliament of King 
Charles II held in that year passed an Act continuing and 
extending the policy of the former Acts, for in regard to 
trade and the colonies a revolution in the political system 

1 Wealth of Nations : chapter on ' The Restraints upon the Importation 
from Foreign Countries of such Goods as can be produced at Home '. 


of England left the point of view unchanged. Three 
years later, in 1663, another famous Navigation Act was 
passed, entitled ' An Act for the encouragement of Trade '. 

' By the Navigation Act,' writes Mr. Doyle, ' the Long 
Parliament first practically asserted and acted on the 
doctrine, that the colonies formed a connected whole, 
a member of the body politic, to be dealt with on certain 
fixed principles and for the benefit of the entire com- 
munity. ... In dealing with the colonies it established 
principles which held good till the hour of their separa- 
tion.' 1 

These words are borne out by the clause in the Act of Colonies 
1663 which forms the preamble to the provisions relating ^ on e t o" 
to the colonies and trade with the colonies. The clause trade and 

runs . require- 

' And in regard His Majesty's plantations beyond the England, 
seas are inhabited and peopled by his subjects of this 
his kingdom of England ; for the maintaining a greater 
correspondence and kindness between them, and keeping 
them in a firmer dependence upon it, and rendering them 
yet more beneficial and advantageous unto it in the 
further equipment and increase of English shipping and 
seamen, vent of English woollen and other manufactures 
and commodities, rendering the navigation to and from 
the same more safe and cheap, and making this kingdom 
a staple, not only of the commodities of those plantations, 
but also of the commodities of other countries and places, 
for the supplying of them ; and it being the usage of 
other nations to keep their plantations trade to them- 

Here, in an Act, not confined to colonial matters but 
dealing with trade generally, we have the point of view 
from which the British colonies were regarded in the 
seventeenth century, the point of view which held the 
field long after the seventeenth century had passed away. 
The colonies were to be subordinate to the naval require- 
ments and the trade of England, they were to be dealt 
with uniformly from this standpoint, to share in the 
benefits which commercial monopoly brought to the 
mother country, and to be held in control by confining 

1 The English in America, vol. i, Virginia, &c., p. 281. 


their trading relations to the mother country. The policy 
was clearly laid down and continuously followed long 
before an administrative agency for dealing with the 
colonies was placed on any separate, sure, and continuous 
footing. In fact the need for such an agency was not 
seriously felt as long as trade was secured by what were 
considered to be adequate regulations, and as long as the 
colonies were regarded wholly or mainly in the light of 
feeders of trade. Hence the absence of a Colonial Office. 
Hence the nearest approach to it, when the seventeenth 
century ended, was a Board of Trade and Plantations. 

The relations of Great Britain to her colonies from the 
beginning of British colonization throughout both the 
seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries are well summed 
up in the following passage from Cornewall Lewis's 
Government of Dependencies : 

' The early English colonies were in practice nearly 
independent of the mother country, except as to their 
external commercial relations ; and there was scarcely 
any interference on the part of England with the ordinary 
management of their internal affairs. Accordingly, there 
was at that time no separate department of the English 
Government, charged exclusively with the superinten- 
dence of the government of the dependencies ; and the 
business connected with them, being chiefly commercial, 
was assigned first to a Board, and afterwards, for a short 
interval, to a permanent committee of the Privy Council, 
which had the management of the affairs of " Trade and 
the Plantations ". ' 1 

Board of The Board of Trade and Plantations, which was 
Trade and crea t e d in 1696, continued in existence down to the 


tions. year 1782. It lasted down to the end of the War of 
American Independence, and expired before the last series 
of wars with France. Thus, whereas in the seventeenth 
century almost every two or three years there was some 
new machinery for dealing with the colonies, during the 
greater part of the eighteenth century the machinery 
remained the same. It will be borne in mind that the 
century was one when civil war was, except for Jacobite 

1 1891 Edition, pp. 159-60. 


risings, at an end, when the monarchy went on unin- 
terruptedly, and when, except during Walpole's adminis- 
tration, England was constantly engaged in foreign war. 
It was a period, therefore, when administrative changes 
might hardly be looked for at home, except for particular 
reasons existing at the particular times when they were 
made. During considerably more than half the century 
there was little alteration of machinery ; but on the other 
hand, as Mr. Doyle has pointed out, there was still a great 
lack of definiteness and of uniformity ; and the public 
interests suffered from the want of ' a permanent Colonial 
Department through which and in concert with which 
both Crown and Parliament should act in all colonial 
questions ' . 1 

How far did the Board of Trade and Plantations answer 
to, or fall short of a Colonial Office ? Trade and colonies, 
it will be remembered, went hand in hand, the plantations 
being regarded primarily as feeders of trade. So far, 
therefore, from being exclusively a Colonial Office in any 
sense, the Board was a Board for Plantations only in 
virtue of its being a Board of Trade ; the charge of 
plantations was only one among many duties assigned to 
it, all bearing directly or indirectly upon the commercial 
prosperity of England. The Board was created by Order 
in Council in May 1696, the chief ministers of state being 
ex officio members, and the ordinary paid working members 
being eight in number, all members of one or the other 
of the two Houses of Parliament, each paid £1,000 per 
annum, with an additional allowance to the President. 
Among them, at one time or another, were various men 
distinguished in other fields than politics or administration. 
One of the original members was the philosopher, John 
Locke, who had drafted the Fundamental Constitutions 
of the Carolinas ; when he retired, his place was taken 
by Matthew Prior ; and a little later Joseph Addison was 
for a short time a member of the Board. The powers 
given to it by its commission were very wide ; but it 

1 'The English in America,' by J. A. Doyle, The Colonies under the 
House of Hanover, p. 103. 


fell short of a Colonial Office, not only in the admixture 
of its duties, but also in being more or less subordinate, 
on the one hand to a secretary of state, and on the other 
to the Privy Council and its committees. 
Secretaries As the Privy Council was the King's Council, so the 
Secretary of State was the King's Secretary. Originally 
there was but one King's Secretary ; then there were 
usually two, known first as principal secretaries and 
subsequently as secretaries of state. When the eighteenth 
century opened, there were two secretaries of state, one 
for the Northern Department, and one for the Southern 
Department, the titles indicating that one dealt primarily 
with the Northern Powers of Europe, the other with the 
Southern Powers. But the Secretary of State for the 
Southern Department, who was usually the senior of the 
two, had far the larger share of the business of the State, 
and he was, nominally, at any rate, the executive officer 
who dealt with the colonies. 
Relations The actual relations, however, between the Board of 
Board 611 Trade and Plantations and the Secretary of State, and 
of Trade the powers claimed or exercised by either, depended 
Secretary mainly upon the personality of the man who presided 
of State. over t^ Board or who was Secretary of State at a par- 
ticular time. In the autumn of 1 748, through the influence 
of the Duke of Bedford, who was then Secretary of State 
for the Southern Department, George Dunk, second Earl 
of Halifax, whose name is borne by the city of Halifax, 
in Nova Scotia, founded in 1749, became head of the 
Board. His chief adviser, who became Secretary to the 
Board, was John Pownall, brother of Thomas Pownall, 
the well-known Governor of Massachusetts and author 
of Administration of the Colonies. Halifax was a vigorous 
and energetic man, who greatly raised the status of 
the Board of Trade and Plantations, at once by his 
business capacity and by his personal ambition. His 
object was, as far as can be judged from the various 
references made to the subject in Horace Walpole's 
Letters and elsewhere, to convert the Board of Trade and 
Plantations into a Colonial Office, with himself as Secre- 


tary of State. In 1750 he tendered his resignation, unless 
his position as President was placed on a better footing ; 
and in 1751, when the Duke of Bedford ceased to be 
Secretary of State for the Southern Department, he again 
pressed his own claims and those of the Board, and 
eventually secured the passing of an Order in Council in 
March 1752, whereby the patronage and correspondence 
connected with the colonies were practically vested in 
the Board and its President, although ' on important 
matters governors might address the Secretary of State, 
through whom also nominations to office were to be laid 
before the King in Council '- 1 In 1757, when Pitt came 
into power as colleague of the Duke of Newcastle, and 
took the post of Secretary of State for the Southern 
Department, Halifax strove again to be made a third 
Secretary of State. In June 1757 Horace Walpole wrote : 
' Lord Halifax had often and lately been promised to be 
erected into a Secretary of State for the West Indies. 
Mr. Pitt says : " No, I will not part with so much power." ' 2 
The refusal of his request led Halifax to resign, but he 
was appeased by being given a place in the Cabinet, and 
he continued to preside over the Board till 1761, appa- 
rently dealing more especially with West Indian business, 
while Pitt watched over the war with France in North 
America and the interests of the North American colonies. 
In March 1761 Horace Walpole writes : 'Mr. Pitt was 
acquainted that the King . . . would restore the Depart- 
ment of the West Indies which had been disjoined to 
accommodate Lord Halifax, to the Secretary of State,' 
and in the same letter, ' Lord Halifax goes to Ireland ; 
Lord Sandys succeeds him in the Board of Trade which 
is reduced to its old insignificance '. 3 In 1762 the Board 

1 Fitzmaurice's Life of Shelburne, 1875 Edition, vol. i, pp. 240, &c. In 
the passage from which these words are quoted will be found a good short 
notice of the changes which took place. But for a full account of the Board 
of Trade and Plantations, and the changes in its personnel and powers from 
time to time, reference should be made to Professor Oliver Morton Dickerson's 
admirable book on American Colonial Government, 1696-1765 (Cleveland, 
Ohio, 1912). 

2 Letter of June 20, 1757. 3 Letter of March 17, 1761. 


of Trade reared its head again during Charles Townshend's 
very brief tenure of office as its President. Townshend, 
like Halifax, was admitted to the Cabinet and had much 
the same powers as Halifax had enjoyed. In 1763 
another leading and strong man, Shelburne, presided over 
the Board for a few months ; but in August 1766, 
Shelburne being then Secretary of State for the Southern 
Department, an Order in Council was passed which revoked 
the Order in Council of March 1752, and finally put an 
end to any conflict of authority between the Board and the 
Secretary of State, by reducing the Board to a purely 
subordinate and advisory position. The governors were 
now instructed to send their correspondence to the Secre- 
tary of State and only to send duplicates, for information, 
to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. 
Adminis- How colonial business was transacted in Great Britain 
eigh-° n: m tne m iddle of the eighteenth century, after Halifax had 
teenth left the Board of Trade, but before the Order in Council of 
jUiy * 1766 was passed, is shown by the action which was taken 
after the great Peace of Paris had been signed in 1763, 
whereby Great Britain acquired Canada, Florida, and 
various possessions in the West Indies and elsewhere. 1 
Lord Egremont, who in October 1761 had succeeded Pitt 
as Secretary of State for the Southern Department, had 
already written out for reports from the temporary mili- 
tary governors. Having received them, and the peace 
having been signed, he referred them and other docu- 
ments, as from the King, to the Board of Trade and 
Plantations, of which the formal title was the Lords 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, and the short 
title the Lords of Trade. The reference, which was very 
fully drafted, placed in the forefront the commercial 
advantages to be derived from the new acquisitions, and 
the best means of securing those advantages in perma- 
nence, for which purpose the number and kinds of new 
governments to be established were of all importance. 
The Lords of Trade reported at length to Lord Egremont, 

1 See Documents Relating to the Constitutional History of Canada, 1759- 
91, Shortt and Doughty, Ottawa, 1907. 


described as one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of 
State ; and after correspondence with Lords Egremont 
and Halifax, who succeeded him, they drafted, to meet 
the case of the new acquisitions in North America and the 
West Indies, a Royal Proclamation, which was considered 
and approved in Privy Council, the King being present, 
and having received the royal assent, as the well-known 
Royal Proclamation of October 1763, was printed and 
sent by Halifax to the Lords of Trade, to be by them com- 
municated to the various colonial governors in America. 
The dispatch, however, to General Murray, the military 
Governor of Quebec, appointing him to be Governor of 
Canada, came not from the Lords of Trade, but from the 
Secretary of State. The commissions of the new gover- 
nors also were drafted by the Lords of Trade, and, before 
being approved by the King in Privy Council, were referred 
to a committee of the Privy Council, entitled the Lords of 
the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs, who re- 
ported to the Council. Thus we find that the final decision 
in colonial matters lay with the King and his Privy Council, 
of which Council there was a committee for dealing with 
the colonies or plantations, that the chief executive officer 
was a secretary of state, and that the main advisory body 
was the Board of Trade and Plantations, which was also 
one of the mediums of communication with the governors, 
though — Halifax being no longer the President — appar- 
ently more for the purpose of giving information than of 
giving instructions. 

At this time there were two secretaries of state. Earlier Number 
in the century the union of Scotland with England had tarieTof 
for a time led to the appointment of a third secretary of s *ate : 
state, for Scotch business. We have seen that Halifax teenth 
aspired to be a secretary of state for the West Indies, century. 
and in 1768, the acquisition of Canada, together with the 
growing amount and complexity of the business connected 
with the American colonies, led again to the appointment 
of a third secretary of state, who was styled Secretary of 
State for the Colonies, or Secretary of State for the Ameri- 
can Department. The Board of Trade and Plantations 

13216 q 


continued in existence as before, and the first Secretary 
of State for the American Department was Lord Hills- 
borough, who was, at the time, President of the Board 
which had already been relegated, as already stated, to 
the more subordinate position which it had held before the 
days of Halifax. Lord Hillsborough's two successors as 
Secretary of State, Lord Dartmouth and Lord George 
Germain, were also, each in turn, President of the Board ; 
so that, for the short time during which this third secre- 
taryship of state lasted, there was one minister only 
dealing with the colonies, and in that respect there was 
some approach to a Colonial Office. 
Burke's I n 1780 Burke, in his speech on Economical Reform, 

1782. outlined the economies which he wished to effect in the 
public administration of Great Britain. They included 
the abolition both of ' the New Office of third Secretary of 
State, which is commonly called Secretary of State for the 
Colonies,' and also of the Board of Trade and Plantations. 
Commerce, he stated, was the principal object of that 
Board, and he criticized it severely, and probably unfairly, 
as being useless. As the American War of Independence 
drew to a close, involving a great decrease in colonial 
business in consequence of the severance of the thirteen 
united colonies, the sweeping changes in the organization 
at home which he had recommended were carried into 
effect, deriving support, we may well believe, from the 
unpopularity which attached to Lord George Germain as 
Secretary of State, and from his eventual resignation ; and 
by the provisions of the Act of 1782, which bears Burke's 
name, both the Secretary of State for the Colonies or 
American Department and the Board of Trade and Plan- 
tations were abolished. The Secretaries of State for the 
Northern and Southern Departments became Foreign 
Secretary and Home Secretary respectively, and colonial 
business was assigned to the Home Office. But Burke's 
Act provided for delegating, as in old days, to a committee 
of the Privy Council the duties which had been discharged 
by the Board of Trade and Plantations ; and thus was 
constituted the present Board of Trade, which is still in 


theory a committee of the Privy Council. This com- 
mittee, styled the * Committee for Trade and Foreign 
Plantations ', was called into existence by Order in Council 
of March 1784, and was reorganized in August 1786, when 
it took over from the Home Office the bulk of the colonial 
business, though the Home Secretary seems still to have 
remained the responsible executive officer for the colonies. 

The last stage of the fighting century now came on, and Secretary 
England entered on a time of almost continuous war. £ or ^*® 
Again a third secretary of state was in 1794 appointed, and the 
this time a secretary of state for war. Appropriately 
enough, as the existence of the overseas possessions of 
England was involved in the war, he was also given charge 
of the colonies, and in 1801 the two departments were 
formally united under a secretary of state for war and 
the colonies. Simultaneously with the appointment of a 
secretary of state for war, and the transfer to him of the 
control of colonial business, came a final break in the long 
connexion between trade and plantations. The Com- 
mittee for Trade and Foreign Plantations ceased to have 
any direct concern with colonial matters, and became, as 
it is at the present day, a Board of Trade pure and simple. 
Thus the eighteenth century, which ended in war, ended 
quite logically in concentrating the control of the colonies 
under one minister, who was, at the time, the responsible 
minister for military business, and in divorcing them from 
their connexion with boards and committees in which 
trade gave the lead to plantations. 

After the long war came long peace ; and parliamentary 
government and ministerial responsibility took more and 
more their modern shape. But war and the colonies still 
went together, as far as the Secretary of State was con- 
cerned, while in the colonies themselves, for many years, 
the governors were mainly military men ; and, as in the 
case of Canada, constantly proved that soldiers may make 
excellent civil governors. As peace went on, however, 
the duties of the Colonial Minister were more in evidence 
than those of the War Minister ; especially as, in addition 
to the Secretary of State for War, there was a Secretary at 

c 2 


War, and the Secretary of State shared with him, with the 
Home Office, the Ordnance Board, the Commander-in-Chief, 
and the Treasury responsibility for the army ; whereas in 
the Colonial Office, in other than money matters, he had 
undivided control. It was, therefore, as Secretary of 
State for the Colonies, rather than as Secretary of State 
for War, that the holder of the combined offices took his 
status. The combination lasted until June 1854. Then, 
at the beginning of the Crimean War, more remote than 
almost any British war from the concerns of the colonies, 
when military matters and War Office organization called 
for special attention, a separate Secretary of State for War 
was appointed, making a fourth secretaryship of state. 
Thenceforward the Colonial Office was, as it is to-day, in the 
Secretaries charge of a Secretary of State for the Colonies, burdened 
for S the e with no otner duties. Finally, in 1858, when, as the out- 
Colonies come of the Indian Mutiny, the government of India, 
India. which had remained in the hands of the East India Com- 
pany, subordinated to a Board of Control, was transferred 
from the Company to the Crown, a fifth secretary of state 
was appointed — the Secretary of State for India. 

It is very noteworthy that, among all the devices and 
makeshifts for dealing with colonial business which pre- 
ceded a full-blown Colonial Office in England, colonial 
matters were never entrusted in whole or part to the 
Admiralty. In France, the Minister of Marine has from 
time to time been given the charge of the French colonies ; 
but, vital as the British Navy has ever been to the acquisi- 
tion and to the security of British possessions beyond the 
seas, the colonies have never been an appendage to the 
Navy, or under the control of the Lords Commissioners 
of the Admiralty. One little island only, the island of 
Ascension, is in Admiralty keeping, and all its expenses 
are borne by naval funds. 
Early Before dealing with British colonial administration in 

move- modern davs, since the Colonial Office took its modern 

ments J 

towards shape as a separate office under a separate secretary of 



ment. teenth century. It has been seen that the dominant 

state, it is necessary to look back once more to the seven- 


feature of that century in the sphere of Britain beyond the 
seas was absence of systematic control, with the result 
that early British settlements were to a large extent self- 
governing. As time went on, some of these settlements 
grew relatively greater, and others grew relatively smaller. 
The North American colonies grew actually and relatively 
greater ; they refused to be taxed by the mother country, 
faced a war, and became an independent republic. Out- 
side North America, British settlement in the seventeenth 
century found its chief field in the West Indies ; and the 
old West Indian colonies, such as Barbados, may be said, 
like the colonies in New England, to have been more or 
less cradled in freedom. Well before the middle of the 
seventeenth century, Barbados had, as it still has, its 
own little parliament. But, as in the course of years 
colonies grew and multiplied, the West Indian colonies, 
being small settlements, became relatively less important, 
with the result that, after the United States had been lost 
to the Empire, and after the battle of Waterloo had finally 
closed the era of fighting, the Colonial Office, having at 
length taken something like final form and shape, in the 
sense of having been made the sole agency for dealing with 
the British possessions beyond the seas, other than India, 
emerged as an office for the government of dependencies, 
that is to say, of possessions which were either Crown 
colonies or, with some exceptions, such as the provinces of 
British North America, colonies rather receding from than 
advancing to self-government. The Imperial Act for the 
Abolition of Slavery, which came into operation at the 
beginning of Queen Victoria's reign, was an enforcement 
of the will of the mother country upon the reluctant West 
Indian colonies ; and, by the results which followed from 
it, as well as by the mere fact that it was passed, the West 
Indies were brought nearer than before to the status of 
dependencies, and carried further from the status of self- 
governing colonies. 

Starting, then, with the reign of Queen Victoria, and The 
noticing at the outset what was perhaps the most con- era 
spicuous feature of that reign, we have to trace and to 



of science 

tration ; 

illustrate the evolution of the Colonial Office from being 
in the main a Crown Colony Office, to its present position 
to-day, as at once an administrative and diplomatic or 
semi-diplomatic office — the evolution being due to the 
grant of responsible government, and the results which 
have followed from it ; we have at the same time to note 
how the Colonial Office has gathered under its control 
certain dependencies — always excepting India — which 
were at one time in charge of other departments of the 
State. We have further to give some account of the 
system of colonial agents up to the present stage of high 
commissioners of the great groups of self-governing 
dominions ; and lastly to notice the rise of the Imperial 

It has been said above that the difference between the 
nineteenth century and previous eras in the overseas 
history of Great Britain has been largely due to scientific 
invention. Queen Victoria's reign was marked in a pre- 
eminent degree by the triumphal progress of science. 
When she came to the throne, modern scientific invention 
was in its infancy ; when she died, it was, as it is in an 
increasing degree to-day, dominating the world. When 
Lord Durham went on his mission to Canada in 1838, the 
year after the Queen's accession, there was but one small 
railway in Canada, and none in any other of the Queen's 
dominions beyond the seas. The same year saw the 
beginning of regular steam communication between Great 
Britain and America. It was only in 1837 that Cooke and 
Wheatstone took out their patent for an electric telegraph. 
The first submarine cable between Great Britain and 
America was not laid till 1858, and some years passed 
before the communication was successfully established. 
No steamer ran from England to Australia till 1852. 
There was no direct telegraph line to Australia until 1872, 
and none to South Africa prior to 1879, the news of the 
disaster at Isandhlwana in January of that year being 
brought by ship to the nearest telegraph station, which 
was in the Cape Verd Islands. Statesmen, writers, and 
thinkers on Imperial questions, with the one exception of 


Lord Durham, do not seem to have foreseen in any mea- 
sure how great a revolution would be worked by the forces 
of science, whereas the British Empire, as it stands before 
us to-day, is largely the outcome of the work of inventors 
and engineers. Scientific invention has affected colonial 
administration mainly in two respects. On the one hand, 
it has made communication more speedy, more frequent, 
and more regular. On the other hand, it has facilitated 
the forming of large units beyond the seas, a process which 
will be traced to some extent, later on. 

From the point of view of colonial administration, it is Effects 
important to bear in mind that communication between °* ™ p 
Great Britain and the British dominions and dependencies munica- 
in all parts of the world, has not merely been made quicker O n^ ooa i 
by steam and telegraphy, but has been made regular and ^in- 
constant through the substitution of steamers and rail- 
ways for sailing ships and horses. That scientific inven- 
tion has vitally affected colonial administration is, on the 
face of it, obvious ; but it is not so easy to decide what has 
been the net result of the new forces that have come into 
play. Prima facie the telegraph has infinitely multiplied 
the opportunities for interference from home, and steamers 
and railways, by bringing men and news at stated dates, 
as opposed to uncertain intervals, have made for regularity 
of system. Scientific invention would, therefore, seem to 
have worked increasingly against initiative on the spot, 
and to have contributed to strong and systematic control 
from home, overriding individual discretion beyond the 
seas. But, on the other hand, science has brought in its 
train knowledge far fuller, more accurate, and more up-to- 
date than was available in old days, and consequently 
better and more sympathetic appreciation of local con- 
ditions and local requirements : while if the telegraph 
cable makes possible sudden interference from head- 
quarters, at the same time it removes the possibility of 
misunderstanding, and provides the possibility of revising 
and modifying instructions. Many instances in history 
might be quoted when the absence of a telegraph cable 
enabled self-reliant men at a distance to take on their 


own responsibility some strong but beneficial step which 
Ministers at home, had they been consulted beforehand, 
would not have countenanced ; and it may fairly be argued 
that facility of communication has, on the whole, tended 
to diminish self-reliance in the man on the spot. On the 
other hand, instances might be supplied from the past to 
illustrate how a situation might have been saved had the 
telegraph been in existence. Burgoyne's disastrous 
expedition, which ended in the capitulation of Saratoga, 
was a case in which a man, not of first-class genius, or of 
heroic mould, was tied by cut-and-dried instructions from 
an imperious Ministry at home. Those instructions might, 
and doubtless would, have been modified had there been 
an opportunity of interchanging views by telegraph. 
Rapid It is possible that the facilities for interference supplied 

munica- ^y scientific invention, if they had been supplied at an 
tion, self- earlier date, might have militated against the grant of 
men™and responsible government to the present self-governing 
imperial dominions by removing in a sense the element of distance, 
which was the main reason for giving responsible govern- 
ment ; but by the time that steam and telegraphy had 
become fully effective, the dominions had reached the 
stage when self-government was imperative, and could 
no longer be denied. In regard, therefore, to the relations 
between the mother country and the self-governing 
dominions, it may fairly be said that the effect of scientific 
invention has been distinctly beneficial, as making for a 
better understanding between the Colonial Office and the 
dominions, at a stage in history when interference from 
home, to any substantial extent, had already been dis- 
carded, and by multiplying the opportunities for personal 

As regards the relations between the Colonial Office and 
the Crown colonies and protectorates, rapid communica- 
tion has clearly tended to produce stronger and more 
continuous control, but at the same time far more 
intelligent control ; it has also contributed to uniformity 
of practice and consistency of dealing. Here again science 
has, in the main, produced undeniably beneficial results. 


It has been wholly beneficial too in enabling greater Railways 
unity to be created. Without railway communication it f^ erSL \ 
is difficult to imagine that there would now be a Dominion unity. 
of Canada. The British North America Act is of special 
historical interest, as incorporating a declaration that the 
construction of a railway, the Intercolonial Railway, to 
connect the Maritime Provinces with Quebec, ' is essential 
to the consolidation of the Union of British North 
America ' ; and the terms on which British Columbia 
at a later date consented to join the Dominion were that 
the Canadian Government should undertake to secure the 
making of a railway ' to connect the seaboard of British 
Columbia with the railway system of Canada '. 

The completion of Australian unity has been ham- 
pered by the want of railways to connect Western Australia 
with the eastern States, and the Northern Territory with 
the rest of the continent ; but, had there been no railways 
in existence in the main areas of population, the Common- 
wealth could hardly have come into being. Equally 
important as a nation-making factor have been railways 
in South Africa. If we turn to the tropical dependencies 
of Great Britain again, railways have been a potent 
instrument in consolidating India and its administration. 
The combination of Northern and Southern Nigeria, which 
is now being carried out, may be said to be largely the 
outcome of railway extension into the interior ; and on 
the eastern side of Africa the Uganda Railway holds 
together the great East Africa Protectorate from the 
sea-coast to the Victoria Nyanza. In short, in the British 
Empire, in a conspicuous degree, railways have been a 
unifying agency. 

It is impossible to appreciate aright the evolution of Union 
the British Empire since the beginning of Queen Victoria's °f science* 
reign, and of the political and administrative agencies an 4 . 
which handle the Empire, without placing science, as it 
should be placed, in the forefront of the picture. Science 
has not only supplied new machinery, it has dictated 
the terms on which progress shall be made. It has 
removed old difficulties, but it has also created new 


problems. It is no longer possible to treat the sphere 
of politics and administration as distinct from that of 
science, because science, at any rate science as it affects 
the British Empire, dominates, and bids fair still more to 
dominate, political and administrative action ; and, if it 
is desired to institute a comparison between the Colonial 
Office of the present day and Colonial Offices or kindred 
agencies in past times, perhaps the greatest difference 
will be found in the fact that the Colonial Office of our 
times is in telegraphic communication with almost every 
part of the British Empire, with the exception of a few 
outlying dependencies such as some islands in the Pacific 
or elsewhere. 
Respon- The loss of the United States did not involve the loss 
govern- of Canada. It was followed within three or four years 
ment. j^y the beginning of settlement in Australia, and the close 
of the fighting era left the Cape in British hands. New- 
foundland had from first to last been British, although 
British sovereignty over the whole island was not assured 
until the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. All these were lands 
suitable for British settlement, and not merely areas to 
be ruled and administered by Great Britain. Every year 
added to the white population by natural increase and 
by emigration from Great Britain. Every year, therefore, 
at a distance from England which steam and telegraphy 
had as yet hardly begun to countervail, communities, 
wholly or partly British, were growing in numbers and 
in strength. Meanwhile in England peace brought reform, 
popular government and Liberal views gained ground, 
and restiveness beyond the seas found sympathy at home. 
In British North America, Nova Scotia had possessed an 
elected House of Assembly since 1758, and in 1791, the 
two provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, now Quebec 
and Ontario, had in each case been given parliamentary 
institutions. In British North America generally a 
generation and more had grown up familiar with popular 
representation, but in no province had the elected House 
complete control of the finances or any control over the 
executive officers. Growing discontent with the existing 


order in the two Canadas, coupled in the province of 
Quebec with animosities of race, culminated at length in 
an armed rising in 1837. In consequence Lord Durham 
went out to Canada in 1838 ; and his report, published 
at the beginning of 1839, led to the grant of responsible 
government in Canada, Newfoundland, Australia, New 
Zealand, and South Africa — responsible government 
denoting the system which prevails in England, and under 
which the executive officers of government, in other 
words the ministers, are members of and responsible to 
the Legislature. 

The process of granting, or in some cases of inviting Represen- 
and pressing, responsible government was spread over ^gJJ t e u _ 
a good many years. The general rule has been that the tions, &c, 
colonies have received representative institutions for some constitu? 
time prior to the grant of responsible government. In tional 
Canada responsible government came into full being about men t. 
the year 1848. In Australia it was preluded by an 
Imperial Act of 1850, which, among other points, em- 
powered the Australian legislatures to amend, within 
limits, their constitutions ; and this Act, it is interesting 
to notice, was based upon a report by the Committee of 
Privy Council for Trade and Plantations, the old machinery 
being on this occasion once more used, although the 
questions at issue were not commercial but constitutional. 
Before 1860 all the Australian colonies, with the excep- 
tion of Western Australia, as well as. New Zealand and 
Newfoundland, became self-governing colonies. The Cape 
entered on responsible government in 1872, Western 
Australia in 1890, Natal in 1893, and the Transvaal and 
Orange River Colony in 1906 and 1907. In the years 
which preceded responsible government, and while it was 
being brought into operation, the case was very commonly 
presented as one of emancipation from the Colonial Office, 
from the blighting and reactionary influence of what was 
then known as ' Downing Street '. This view of colonial Opposi- 
relations was strongly but soberly urged in Lord Durham's colonial* 16 
Report, and with far more exaggeration and vehemence Office. 
in the speeches of Sir William Molesworth ; while Charles 


Buller, Lord Durham's colleague and right-hand man, 
drew satirical pictures of the Colonial Office, and criticized 
its permanent chief, Sir James Stephen, a man of singular 
ability, under the title of ' Mr. Mother Country '. In 
1838, the year in which Lord Durham went to Canada, 
Molesworth attacked the Colonial Secretary in the House 
of Commons, and contrasted the administration of India 
favourably with administration by the Colonial Office, 
' where it is so hard to do well or even to avoid doing 
ill.' Ten years later he was at least as bitter. In 1848 
he told the House of Commons, ' It is difficult to express 
the deep-seated hatred and contempt which is felt for 
the Colonial Office by almost every dependency subject 
to its sway,' and in 1850 he spoke of ' the hated tyranny 
of the Colonial Office \ 1 But by 1850 responsible govern- 
ment had become a reality in British North America, and 
was well on its way in Australia. The triumph of free 
trade in England and of the spirit which inspired the 
free trade movement, gave additional strength to the 
policy of conferring upon the overseas dominions full 
liberty to control their own local affairs and imposing 
upon them full responsibility for their own local troubles 
and burdens. Gradually the feeling against the Colonial 
Office as a dead-weight on the colonies was exchanged 
for a feeling against it as embodying indifference on the 
part of the home authorities to the colonies and readiness 
to cut them adrift ; and it was hardly until the last 
quarter of the nineteenth century that better understand- 
ing began to grow up, aided by improved communication, 
and the British communities outside the British Isles 
came to look upon the Colonial Office as a friend rather 
than as an enemy. 
Emigra- Lord Durham's Report, which inspired the policy of 
responsible government, included also an elaborate scheme 
embodying the views of Gibbon Wakefield for the disposal 
of public lands in British North America, and for state 
aid to, and superintendence of, emigration. As regards 

1 Selected Speeches of Sir William Molesworth, edited by Professor Egerton, 
1903, pp. 14, 18, 203, 305. 


public lands in British North America, the scheme came 
to nothing, largely because the Imperial Government 
were already more or less pledged to hand over the 
revenues from the public lands to the colonial legisla- 
tures ; but as regards public lands in Australia their hands 
were free ; and in respect to emigration generally the 
report strengthened a movement, which had already 
begun, for bringing under some kind of government 
supervision the growing volume of emigration from Great 
Britain to the colonies. A House of Commons Committee 
in 1827 had recommended that a Board of Emigration 
should be appointed ' under the direct control of an 
Executive department of the State \ Ten years later, 
after a Government commission on emigration had in the 
meantime looked into the matter, an agent-general for 
emigration was appointed, who acted under and reported 
to the Secretary of State for the Colonies ; and, Lord 
Durham's Report having seen the light in January 1839, 
in January 1 840 a Board of Colonial Land and Emigration 
Commissioners was established, subordinate to the Secre- 
tary of State for the Colonies and in financial matters to 
the Lords of the Treasury. 

This Board was in effect an office supplementary and Board of 
subordinate to the Colonial Office, and its career illus- L an( j anc | 
trates the changes which took place alike in the Colonial Emigra- 
Office and in the colonies. The commissioners' duties were missioned. 
to collect and publish information for the guidance of 
would-be emigrants, to deal with questions relating to 
colonial lands and land laws, to apply to the collection 
and dispatch of emigrants' funds derived from the sale 
of colonial lands, to arrange for the passages of emigrants, 
to administer the Passenger Acts, and to deal with emigra- 
tion in all its forms. But, as their duties were mainly 
concerned with colonies which one after another in no 
long time became self-governing, the main bulk of their 
work was pari passu gradually transferred from them 
and from the control of the Secretary of State to the 
colonial governments and their representatives in England. 
The administration of the Passenger Acts, and the 


supervision of the emigration officers at the ports of 
embarkation, was handed over to the Board of Trade, as 
being the department to be held responsible for merchant 
shipping ; and eventually the commissioners were left only 
with that part of their original functions which specially 
concerned the Crown colonies : this was the supply of 
East Indian coolie immigrants under indenture to the 
sugar-growing colonies, mainly in the West Indies. 
Eventually even this remaining fraction of their business 
was taken over directly by the Colonial Office, the shipping 
arrangements being entrusted to the Crown Agents for 
the Colonies ; and in 1878 the Board of Colonial Land and 
Emigration Commissioners finally ceased to exist. 
Emi- During the currency of the Board the tide of public 

Informa- opinion had been setting strongly in favour of self -govern - 
tion ment, free trade, and absence of State interference, 


except so far as life and health at sea required stringent 
Acts of Parliament and careful administration of those 
Acts ; but, after it ceased to exist, interest in emigration 
seemed again to revive ; and, though appeals for state 
aid to emigration met with no response, one function of 
the deceased Board was revived, the duty of giving in- 
formation and guidance to intending emigrants, especially 
in regard to the British colonies, and in 1886 once more 
a little subordinate agency was established under the 
general supervision of the Colonial Office. This is the 
Emigrants' Information Office, which, with increasing 
work and increasing usefulness, is wholly paid for by 
Government funds, but managed by a voluntary com- 
mittee, the nominal chairman of which is the Secretary of 
State for the Colonies, the actual chairman being a member 
of the permanent staff of the Colonial Office. 
Colonial The grant of responsible government necessarily altered 
?eK-° e and to some extent tne character of the Colonial Office. It 
governing had, since the beginning of the nineteenth century, been 
denotes, almost entirely an administrative office, controlling 
dependencies beyond the seas. It now ceased to control 
the administration of the colonies which were no longer 
dependencies, but it was still the medium of communi- 


cation between their governments on the one hand and 
the Imperial Government and the Crown on the other ; 
it still gave instructions to their governors, who were and 
are subordinate to the Secretary of State ; and still was 
and is the mouthpiece of the Crown and of the Imperial 
Government on questions which are not purely local but 
concern the mother country and the Empire as a whole. 
The position which the grant of responsible government 
created was illogical, and the opponents of responsible 
government were on paper and in their arguments not 
merely plausible, but unanswerable. Lord Durham 
thought that a line could be drawn, marking off a colonial 
from an imperial sphere of influence — to use a term of 
later date, which came into being in a different con- 
nexion ; but it has been abundantly proved that such 
a line could not and cannot be drawn. Yet solvitur 
ambulando ! The system which has grown up and 
holds the field to-day, like many other concrete facts 
and institutions in English history, is not logical, difficult 
if not impossible to define, but none the less a good 
working organization on the basis of compromise rather 
than of principle. How, it was asked, can a man serve 
two masters ? No answer could be given ; but, as a 
matter of fact, the governor of a self-governing colony or 
dominion does in a sense serve two masters. He is paid 
by the colonial or dominion government, is appointed by 
the Crown on the advice of the Imperial Government, is 
the servant of the Imperial Government and at the same 
time the head of the colonial government. The relations 
of the Imperial Government with the governments of the 
self-governing dominions have become increasingly diplo- 
matic rather than administrative, and therefore the 
Colonial Office, in relation to those dominions, has become 
a diplomatic or quasi-diplomatic rather than an adminis- 
trative office. There has been evolution at either end. 
The year 1867 saw the British North America Act, which Federa- 
federated four of the provinces of British North America tlon ' 
into a Dominion, to which all other parts of British 
North America, except Newfoundland, subsequently 


adhered. By an Act of 1900, Australia was federated 
under the title of a Commonwealth; and in L909 the 
Union of South Africa came into being. Meanwhile, 
the Colonial Office, which had at one time ad ministered the 
different colonies which subsequently became self-govern- 
ing, dealt with them after self-government had been 
given, interspersed with Crown colonies ; and it was not, 
as will be seen, until 1907, after the Imperial Conference 
of that year had taken place, that the self-governing 
colonies were given the distinguishing title of Dominions, 
and that all the business connected with them was grouped 
in one separate department of the Colonial Office. This 
was styled ' the Dominions Department ', and has from 
that date been in no way connected with Crown colony 
work except in regard to the colonies and protectorates 
in South Africa and the Pacific, whose fortunes must 
necessarily be closely connected with the Union of South 
Africa in the one case, and Australia and New Zealand in 
the other. 

While the Colonial Office was exchanging some of its 
administrative work for work more akin to diplomacy, in 
consequence of Crown colonies or semi-Crown colonies 
having received responsible government, its burden of 
administration was none the less constantly growing, 
owing to new dependencies coming into existence or being 
transferred from the charge of other offices. It has been 
noted that the third era in the story of the British Empire, 
extending from the battle of Waterloo down to the present 
day, falls into two subdivisions, and the dividing line 
has been taken to be found in the decade between 1870 
and 1880. It is not generally recognized that the British 
Empire may almost be said to have taken a new start 
from this time, so great has been its latter growth and so 
surpassingly full of interest its record. It was at this time 
that a revulsion in public feeling in England began to be 
apparent against the Whig doctrine, which, if not often 
put into words, was beyond question strongly held, that 
the colonies, meaning the present self-governing dominions, 
must go their ways for good or ill, and that peaceable 


separation of them from the mother country was in the 
order of nature, and might not be an unmixed evil for 
either party. 

In 1868, the year after the passing of the British North Royal 
America Act, which constituted the Dominion of Canada, institute, 
the Royal Colonial Institute was first founded, under the 
original name of the 'Colonial Society'. Its objects, as 
defined in the Royal Charter of Incorporation which it 
subsequently received from Queen Victoria, in the year 
1882, were and are : ' To promote the increase and 
diffusion of knowledge respecting as well our Colonies, 
Dependencies and Possessions, as our Indian Empire, and 
the preservation of a permanent Union between the 
mother country and the various parts of the British 
Empire.' It formed, as it still forms to an ever growing 
extent, a meeting-place with visitors from the colonies and 
India. Here views could and can be freely interchanged, 
and lectures and addresses given, setting forth the value 
of the oversea possessions of Great Britain, and enlighten- 
ing the people of this country as to the strength of feeling 
in favour of the imperial connexion existing among the 
younger communities of the Empire. In connexion with 
it there grew up a new school of men who reverted to the 
more patriotic views embodied in Lord Durham's Report. 
While he was the apostle of self-government, Lord Durham Imperial 
was none the less the apostle of imperial unity, and in JniperiaL- 
preaching the gospel of self-government for the colonies, ism. 
he preached it as the one and only road to imperial unity. 
He regarded responsible government in such a case as that 
of Canada as being necessary alike ' for the well-being of 
the Colonies and the security of the mother country ', and 
at the end of his report, having recommended responsible 
government for Canada, he recorded his ' earnest desire to 
perpetuate and strengthen the connexion between this 
Empire and the North American Colonies'. But those 
who came after, while they adopted and amplified his 
views as to colonial self-government, left very much out 
of sight the imperial unity which he had held to be its 
complement. In course of time, however, the Whig views ■ 

132L6 d 


lost their savour ; steam and telegraphy made com- 
munication with the British communities beyond the seas 
easier and more constant ; interest in these communities 
and knowledge of them was increased, and new forces 
and new agencies helped to create a new imperialism 
which eventually found its strongest and ablest exponent 
in the most conspicuous and creative of all Secretaries of 
State for the Colonies, Mr. Chamberlain. 
Competi- Not the least of these forces was the rise of Germany as 
colonial a competing power overseas. The result of the Franco- 
expansion. German War of 1870 was the consolidation of Germany ; 
and, following the example of other great European 
peoples, the Germans, having completed their work at 
home, began to make themselves felt in foreign lands and 
waters. The stress of German competition began to be 
fully recognized in this country in the eighties ; and 
between 1880 and 1890 the four new chartered companies, 
which have already been mentioned, came into existence, 
the first of them being the British North Borneo Company, 
which received its charter in 1881. Already, before this 
time, missionary enterprise, notably David Livingstone's 
work in Central Africa, had called attention in England 
and Scotland to lands which had not so far come under 
any European control, and a sense of responsibility, 
inspired by religion, strengthened the reaction against a 
policy of laissez faire and non-interference. Finally the 
young self-governing peoples of the Empire began to put 
pressure upon the mother country to move forward in the 
path of empire, in particular the Australians in the 
Pacific. The outcome was a series of new acquisitions, 
made in various ways and with various degrees of supre- 
Protector- macy. The terms ' British protectorate ' and ' British 
spheres of s P nere of influence ' came to the front, protectorate 
influence, indicating control as opposed to ownership, control which 
varies in different cases, from control of foreign relations 
to administration ; and sphere of influence (p. 78) not 
even indicating control, but only exclusive right of inter- 
vention as against any other European Power. We find, 
too, a more frequent use of the term High Commissioner, 


to denote the officer who, in relation to a British protec- 
torate, holds the same position as a governor in relation 
to a British colony ; the governor of this or that colony 
being usually the High Commissioner for adjoining pro- 
tectorates. In this sense it has been used in South Africa. 
The Governor of the Straits Settlements is High Commis- 
sioner for the Malay States and for Brunei (Bruni) . The 
Governor of Fiji is High Commissioner for the Western 
Pacific. One of the lost dependencies of Great Britain and 
of the Colonial Office is the Ionian Islands. Before their 
transfer to Greece in 1864, the chief resident British officer 
was styled not Governor, but High Commissioner, for the 
islands had not been annexed by and to Great Britain, 
but were under ' the immediate and exclusive protection ' 
of Great Britain. 

In the year 1867 the Straits Settlements were trans- Transfer- 
ferred from the charge of the India Office to that of the ^ e e ^ £ 
Colonial Office. This may be taken as the first case in dencies to 
latter days of the Colonial Office taking over charge of a colonial 
dependency from another department. But this was a fr o motner 
case of the transfer of the administration of a British extension 
possession — not a British protectorate — from one ad- of its work. 
ministrative office to another administrative office. Most 
of the modern additions to the British Empire, outside 
India and the Sudan (so far as the Sudan is a British 
dependency), when they have not been placed from the 
first under the Colonial Office, have been transferred from 
the Foreign Office. They have started under the Foreign 
Office, as not being adult British dependencies to be 
administered and controlled by the home agency for 
colonial administration, and they have been transferred 
to the Colonial Office according as they have matured in 
British keeping, or as some indirect agency, such as a 
chartered company, has ceased to exist or to exercise the 
powers of government. From the Foreign Office, since 
1880, the Colonial Office has taken over Cyprus, the 
Nyasaland Protectorate, Nigeria, British East Africa, 
Uganda, Somaliland — which was at an earlier date under 
the India Office — and finally Zanzibar. 

d 2 


None of these provinces was the result of direct annexa- 
tion, and they are all still more or less in the status of 
protectorates, the British tenure of Cyprus being one of 
occupation and administration under certain conditions 
laid down by the Anglo-Turkish Convention of 1878. 
They therefore, in their initial stages, appropriately came 
within the purview of the Foreign Office, which office, in 
consequence, for a time supplemented its own particular 
diplomatic duties by a considerable amount of adminis- 
trative work. Equally appropriately, as the countries in 
question and their inhabitants settled down — speaking 
generally — under British supremacy, and as adminis- 
trative control grew up, they were transferred to the 
Colonial Office, as being the office whose role is colonial 
administration. We have therefore to notice a very 
great modern extension of the administrative work of 
the Colonial Office, largely due to the transfer to it of 
dependencies which had been in the keeping of the 
Foreign or Diplomatic Office, while, side by side with 
this increase in administrative work, we find the 
Colonial Office engaged in relations with the self-govern- 
ing dominions, which it is not easy to distinguish from 
Work When Molesworth was attacking the Colonial Office for 

Secretary its rea, l or imaginary deficiencies, he laid stress on the 
of state, impossibility of any one man doing justice as secretary of 
state to the amount and variety of work which devolved 
upon the Colonial Office. The work of the office at the 
present day is infinitely greater in amount, and more 
varied in kind, than when Molesworth made his speeches, 
and yet no such bitter discontent with its dealings is 
shown as that of which Molesworth was the mouthpiece. 
Various reasons may be found for this, including the grant 
of responsible government, the improvement of communi- 
cation, and the spread of knowledge ; but one may be 
specially noticed, and that is the creation of larger units 
throughout the Empire. The result has been not only that 
greater communities have thus been formed, with corre- 
spondingly wider views, more self-contained, more self- 


reliant, and therefore less taken up with small issues and 
petty grounds of complaint ; but that, where these larger 
units have come into existence, the number of channels 
of official communication with the Secretary of State have 
been diminished, and the volume of correspondence has in 
consequence been reduced. 

Federation or union in the groups of self-governing Federal 
dominions has already been noticed. In 1908, for ^crown 
instance, the Secretary of State corresponded with the Colonies. 
Governor of the Cape, the Governor of Natal, the Governor 
of the Transvaal, and the Governor of the Orange River 
Colony. In 1910 he corresponded only with the Governor- 
General of the South African Union. The same tendency 
may be found on the Crown colony side also. In 1905 
there was a colony and protectorate of Lagos, a protec- 
torate of Southern Nigeria, and a protectorate of Northern 
Nigeria, all under separate administrations. In 1906, 
Lagos and Southern Nigeria were combined under the 
title of the Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria, 
and now the two Nigerias are combined, making one unit 
instead of three. 

Reference has been made above to the Straits Settle- Evolution 
ments, as having been transferred from the India Office to straits 
the Colonial Office in 1867. Their record since that date Settle- 
will well illustrate how greatly the charge of adminis- depen- 
tration, for which the Colonial Office is responsible, has d . encies 

. r ' since 

grown, in what guise and by what methods it has grown, 1867. 
and how the growth has to some extent been met by what 
may be called local centralization. In 1867 the British 
possessions in the Malay Indies consisted of the islands of 
Singapore and Penang, off the coast of the Malay Penin- 
sula, and on that peninsula the territory of Malacca and, 
over against the island of Penang, the territory which 
bears the name of Province Wellesley. These were the 
Straits Settlements, i.e. the settlements on the Straits of 
Malacca, as handed over by the India Office to the Colonial 
Office. In 1826 the little island of Pangkor, south of 
Penang, with the adjoining mainland district known as 
the Dindings, had been ceded by the Sultan of Perak, but 


no British occupation followed, and for practical purposes 
the cession lapsed. Off the coast of Borneo, there was 
one British possession, the island of Labuan, ceded in 1847 
by the Sultan of Brunei. The first civil governor of 
Labuan was Sir James Brooke, who had already become 
the ruler of the native territory of Sarawak. Sarawak 
had been a province of the Sultanate of Brunei, and 
although when, in 1842, the Sultan handed over the 
government of the district to Brooke, it thereby came 
under the exclusive control of a British subject, it had no 
other connexion whatever with the British Empire. In 
1867, therefore, Great Britain held in full ownership the 
Straits Settlements and Labuan, and had no Malay pro- 
tectorate whatever. Shortly afterwards, perpetual piracy 
and disorder in the Malay Peninsula led to British inter- 
ference. In 1874 Pangkor and the Dindings were again 
ceded by the Sultan of Perak, and became a part of the 
colony of the Straits Settlements. At the same time a 
small strip of Perak was added to Province Wellesley. 
Far more important, however, than these small acquisi- 
tions, was the fact that from this date onwards, beginning 
with the State of Perak, the rulers of the various Malay 
states in the southern half of the peninsula were, one after 
another, induced to accept British residents, agents, or 
advisers, and, for political and administrative purposes, 
to come under British control. Subsequently, four of 
these states, Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang, 
were federated in 1895, and are now known as the 
Federated Malay States. In the state of Johor, the near 
neighbour of Singapore, which had retained more inde- 
pendence than the others, the Sultan has now a British 
Adviser, and the area of the British protectorate was 
in 1909 very greatly increased under the terms of the 
Treaty of Bangkok, which was signed in that year, and 
transferred from Siam to Great Britain Siamese rights or 
claims over the Malay States of Kelantan, Tringganu, 
Kedah, and Perlis, which had hitherto lain outside British 
intervention. Out in the Indian Ocean the group of 
. the Cocos-Keeling Islands, which had been declared to be 


a British possession in 1857, had at one time been placed 
under the Governor of Ceylon, then under the Governor 
of the Straits Settlements. These islands were in 1903 
finally annexed to and incorporated with the Straits 
Settlements. The same course had already been taken 
in 1900 with Christmas Island, another outlying British 
dependency in the Indian Ocean, due south of Java. 
In the region of Borneo Labuan continued under a separate 
Governor until January 1, 1890, when the administration 
was handed over to the British North Borneo Company, 
which had acquired from the Sultans of Brunei and Suki 
a large territory in the north of Borneo, and had, as 
already stated, been granted a Royal Charter in 1881. 
In 1905 this arrangement was brought to an end, the 
Governor of the Straits Settlements being made Governor 
of Labuan, and finally, on January 1, 1907, Labuan was 
annexed to the Straits Settlements. Meanwhile, in 1888, 
a British protectorate was declared over North Borneo, 
Sarawak, and the native state of Brunei, and in 1905 
the Sultan of Brunei, like the Sultans of the states in 
the Malay Peninsula, accepted a British Resident. 
The Governor of Labuan had been also Consul-General 
for Borneo, and in that capacity had been a servant 
of the Foreign Office as well as of the Colonial Office ; 
but of late years dealings with Borneo, other than 
Dutch Borneo, have been transferred from the Foreign 
Office to the Colonial Office, illustrating the constantly 
growing connexion between the British protectorates in 
Borneo and the administrative side of the British Govern- 
ment ; and at the present day the Governor of the 
Straits Settlements is ex officio British Agent for North 
Borneo and Sarawak, and corresponds on matters con- 
nected with these states with the Colonial Office alone. 
Thus it may be summed up that, with little or no annexa- 
tion, by a system of protectorates, coupled with the agency 
of a chartered company, something like a British Malay 
Empire has gradually come into existence in the last forty 
years, the nucleus being the British colony of the Straits 
Settlements, and the authority under the Colonial Office 



being centred in the Governor of the Straits Settlements, 
who has his home at Singapore. 

It has been seen that the early British settlements in 
North America and the West Indies grew up more or less 
self-governing, largely because of the non-existence of 
adequate control at home. That, as they increased in 
importance, and as questions arose from time to time 
on which they did not see eye to eye with the home 
authorities, they should wish to have agents or repre- 
sentatives in England to make known their wishes and 
safeguard their interests was the most natural thing in 
the world. 

' The earliest form of Agency ', writes Mr. Doyle in 
The English in America, with reference to the old North 
American colonies, * was usually of the nature of a com- 
mission appointed to approach the Home Government on 
some special question. . . . Gradually, as legislative and 
administrative interference became more frequent and 
more continuous, the importance of the agency increased. 
The agent was not always an inhabitant of the colony for 
which he acted. In some instances he was an English 
merchant — a proxenos, as one may call him.' x 

In Long's History of Jamaica, which was published 
in 1774, there is a chapter on ' Agents ', which begins 
with the writer's reflection that 

'The keeping of a person in Great Britain under the 
title of " Agent for the island " is an indication of the 
little knowledge which either Ministers or Parliament 
formerly had of the colony affairs and interests, other- 
wise there could have been no necessity that the colonies 
should maintain an Agent, at a yearly expense, for the 
purpose of soliciting the passage of bills, explaining their 
expediency, obviating the imposition of ruinous duties 
on their articles of produce, pointing out the means of 
extending and improving those articles, and for praying 
removal of grievances.' 

He then goes on to say that 

' Before a regular agent was appointed for the people 
of Jamaica, some gentlemen of rank and fashion in 
England voluntarily became their patrons and advocates 

1 ' The Colonies under the House of Hanover,' p. 104. 


on one or two occasions of importance, and rendered 
them eminent services ; for which they received most 
grateful acknowledgments from the island. The in- 
habitants afterwards obtained leave from the Crown to 
appoint one or more agents for soliciting their public 
affairs with His Majesty's Ministers at the proper Boards. 
The Crown, by an instruction to the Governor, signified 
its assent ; but limited the Agent's salary or allowance, 
in the whole, to £300 sterling per annum, which limitation 
still subsists.' 1 

The Jamaica Agent was appointed under Acts passed The 
by the island Legislature, and similarly the Barbados AgTnt. Ca 
Legislature, in 1691, passed an Act to provide for the 
expense of an agent to look after their interests in England. 
But the position of a colonial agent was not always well 
defined, and in various cases it became open to question 
whether he was the agent of the government as a whole 
or only the agent of the popular assembly who found 
the money for him ; whether he was simply the business 
representative of the colony as a whole or the political 
representative of the democracy in the colony. Long 
notices the disputes which arose between the Council and 
Assembly in Jamaica with regard to the appointment of, 
and the instructions to, the Agent for the island, and 
similar difficulties occurred in the North American 
colonies. That, under special conditions, agents might 
develop into something not unlike ambassadors is shown 
by the position which Benjamin Franklin held in England 
on the eve of the War of American Independence. He 
came to England as Agent for Pennsylvania, became also 
Agent for Massachusetts and some other colonies, and 
may be said to have been the recognized mouthpiece of 
the wishes and interests of the American colonists before 
the final severance took place. 

When the United States became a separate republic, Canadian 
the system of Colonial Agents was for a while mainly A S ents - 
connected with the West Indies ; but, as the two Canadian 
provinces went forward, they felt the want of a repre- 
sentative in England. In 1816 we find Sir John Sher- 

1 Long's History of Jamaica, vol. i, chap. ix ; pp. 114-15. 


brooke, the tactful Governor -in-Chief of Canada at the 
time, suggesting to Lord Bathurst, Secretary of State for 
the Colonies, that Lower Canada should have an agent 
in England under the authority of the Legislature. Lord 
Bathurst answered to the effect that both Houses of the 
Legislature must express their wish for such an appoint- 
ment, and that the Agent must be the representative of 
both, not of the Assembly alone. In that same year the 
Legislature of Upper Canada passed an Act to appoint 
a Provincial Agent to reside in England ' whose duty it 
may be to solicit and explain the interests of this colony 
as well in its relations with the United Kingdom as with 
the sister province of Lower Canada and others '. The 
salary in this case was to be £500 per annum, the Agent 
was to be nominated by the Governor or Lieutenant- 
Governor, he was to hold office during pleasure and to be 
removable only on the joint address of both Houses of 
the Legislature. In 1821 the Quebec Assembly passed 
a Bill nominating James Stuart, afterwards Chief Justice 
of Canada, but at the time an opponent of the Government, 
to be Agent for the province, with a salary not exceeding 
£2,000 per annum. The Bill was thrown out by the 
Legislative Council, but while it was under discussion it 
transpired that there was already an Agent of Lower 
Canada in London, who had been paid in that capacity 
for years past. He was a subordinate member of the 
Colonial Office, and received as Agent for Lower Canada 
£200 per annum. The Assembly very naturally refused 
to recognize him, on the ground that he was Agent of 
the Executive Government, not of the people of Lower 
Canada, and they contended that his salary ought not 
to be charged against the province. He was, in fact, 
a purely business agent, nominated by and subordinate 
to the Government, in no sense the spokesman of the 
people whose business he transacted. 
Agents in Agents of this kind were not uncommon. Just at this 
nine^ 7 time, in May 1822, a return was made to the House 
teenth f Commons x of the names, status, duties, and salaries of 

1 Colonial Agents, House of Commons Return, 377, Mciy 30, 1822. 



the Agents for what were styled ' the New Colonies ' of 
Ceylon, Mauritius, the Cape of Good Hope, and Malta, all 
of which colonies or dependencies had accrued to Great 
Britain in consequence of the French war. The par- 
ticulars were supplied by the agents themselves. The 
Agent for Ceylon was no less a person than William 
Huskisson, who had held the post since 1806, having been 
appointed by the Governor in Council of Ceylon, with 
remuneration at the rate of £1,200 per annum, which was 
paid by the Ceylon Government and was to cover all 
office expenses. He was at the same time First Commis- 
sioner of Woods, Forests, and Land Revenue in England, 
for which he received £2,000 per annum. His general 
duties as Colonial Agent for Ceylon were defined as ' To 
execute all directions received from the Government of 
Ceylon, and the Secretary of State or the Treasury in 
this country, in reference to the wants or concerns of that 
colony, and to bring under the consideration of the two 
last-mentioned departments all matters which may appear 
to him requisite in furtherance of the general interests of 
the colony '. The Agent for the Cape of Good Hope at this 
date had been appointed by the Governor in 1813, and 
received £600 to cover all expenses. The holder of the office 
at the same time was in receipt of £2,200 per annum as 
1 Secretary to the Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of 
India '. His duty was ' to obey all such orders as he may 
receive from the Governor of the Colony with respect to the 
conduct of its affairs and the furtherance of its interest 
in this country '. In all his money dealings on behalf of 
the colony he was to conform himself to the directions 
of the Secretary of State. The Agent for Malta, appointed 
by the Governor, received £600 to cover all expenses, and 
he held no other office. His duties were to carry out the 
instructions of the Government of Malta, and it is added 
that ' in the execution of these instructions it is necessary 
that he should take the orders of the Secretary of State '. 
The Agent for Mauritius, also appointed by the Governor, 
received an inclusive sum of £500. He was a clerk in the 
Colonial Office, with a salary of £1,125 per annum. His 


duties were to carry out the instructions of the Mauritius 
Government, ' relating to its particular or general wants, 
its money concerns, and its interests generally. He takes 
the orders of the Secretary of State, when necessary, 
regarding the execution of his instructions from the 
Colonial Government.' 

All these agents were purely business and financial 
agents, acting for Crown colony governments and practi- 
cally subordinate to the Secretary of State. They were 
in no sense whatever popular representatives. Con- 
sequently, in the case of Lower Canada, which enjoyed 
representative institutions, the French Canadian Assembly 
sought for and from time to time found and paid indepen- 
dent men in England to act as their agents and spokesmen. 
For some years before the Canadian Rebellion of 1837 
and Lord Durham's mission, their Agent was John Arthur 
Roebuck, at that time a violent and aggressive Radical, 
who, whether in Parliament or out of it, let the world 
know that he was the representative of a people, not 
a government. 
Return of In 1845 there was another House of Commons Return x 
1^845 tS ' °^ ' tne Names of the Agents for Colonies at present 
acting in Great Britain, and recognised as such by the 
Colonial Office ', with their duties and salaries and the 
authority under which they acted, ' and the name of 
the Agent-General or Agent for the Crown Colonies,' &c. 
This date, it will be remembered, was just at the time 
when responsible government was gradually coming into 
operation in Canada, to be followed at a little later date 
by responsible government in Australia and New Zealand, 
and it will be noted that the term ' Agent for the Crown 
Colonies ' now appears. The number of colonies included 
in the return is thirty-three, and for twenty-two of those 
colonies the Agents were two gentlemen, appointed by the 
Secretary of State for the Colonies, and each styled ' Joint 
Agent-General for Crown Colonies '. March 1833 is given 
as the date of their appointment, ' upon the abolition of 
separate agencies for the Crown Colonies and consolida- 

1 Agents for Colonies, C23-5, August, 1845. 


tion into one General Agency.' From 1833, therefore, 
must be dated the beginning of the office of the Crown 
Agents for the Colonies. This list of twenty -two colonies, 
grouped as Crown colonies, includes New Brunswick and 
Newfoundland in North America, all the then existing 
Australian colonies, New Zealand, the Cape, in the West 
Indies St. Lucia, Trinidad, and British Guiana, acquired 
through the war with France, and all the other colonies 
outside the West Indies except Canada, Nova Scotia and 
Prince Edward Island, which presumably had no agents 
in England at the time, or at any rate no agents recog- 
nized by the Colonial Office. The remaining eleven 
colonies outside the Crown Colony Agency are all West 
Indian colonies, having agents appointed in nearly every 
case by the colonial legislature and under Acts of the 
colonial legislature. For six of the smaller West Indian 
colonies the agent was one and the same man. In the 
fact that all the colonies outside the Crown Colony Agency 
were at this date West Indian colonies, we have an 
interesting reminder of the West Indian past — a past of 
representative institutions and no little self-government. 
At the present day all these colonies have lost their 
separate agencies, and have for their business agents in 
England the Crown Agents for the Colonies, whereas New 
Brunswick, Newfoundland, the Australian colonies, New 
Zealand, and the Cape have all gone out of the Crown 
colony list. 

From this time onward we have a gradual evolution down 
of the conditions which exist to-day. The colonies which ^JJts ; 
were transformed from Crown colonies into self-governing General ; 
colonies formed their own business agencies in London, commis- 
under agents general who took over the business work sionera. 
connected with their respective colonies from the Crown 
Agents for the Colonies. The colonies, which were rather 
receding from than advancing towards the stage of self- 
government, had their agencies incorporated in that of 
the Crown Agents for the Colonies, the agents thereby 
becoming, if they had not already become, purely business 
and financial agents. The Crown Agents for the Colonies 


in turn acquired new business from the new colonies and 
protectorates which in the last thirty or forty years have 
been added to the British Empire. We then have the 
further stage of the self-governing colonies being grouped 
into dominions, and the representative of each group in 
England being styled High Commissioner — another use of 
the term of High Commissioner from that which has been 
already noticed, and we have the agents general of the 
separate provinces which form the groups either wholly 
absorbed by, or partly absorbed by, or remaining side by 
side with the High Commissioner according to the form 
which the union or federation of each group has taken. 
It has been an interesting evolution, corresponding to and 
arising out of the course which the relations between the 
different colonies and the mother country have taken. 
South The best illustration will be found in the case of South 
Africa. The Cape of Good Hope was acquired from the 
Dutch, and in its inception as a British colony it had, as 
has been said, its own agent in England, who was, 
however, purely the business agent of a Crown colony 
government and in no sense a representative of the 
people. This agent was absorbed into the general agency 
for the Crown colonies. After the Cape Colony had 
become a self-governing colony, though not immediately 
afterwards, the colony established a separate agency of 
its own in England under an Agent General for the Cape. 
Natal became a British colony, and its business was 
entrusted to the Crown Agents for the Colonies. Again, 
after Natal entered upon the path of responsible govern- 
ment, an Agent General for Natal was appointed, who 
took over the work connected with the colony which had 
previously been transacted by the Crown Agents for the 
Colonies. The South African War brought in to the 
empire — for a short time as Crown colonies — the Trans- 
vaal and the Orange River Colony. For a short time the 
Crown Agents for the Colonies acted for these two states. 
Then the states were given responsible government and 
for a brief period they had their own agents general. 
Finally, the four self-governing colonies of the Cape, 


Natal, the Transvaal, and the Orange River Colony were 
united ; the separate agencies and the separate agents 
general disappeared, and the South African Union has 
now one and only one representative in England, the 
High Commissioner for the Union of South Africa ; while 
for the South African colonies and protectorates which 
are outside the Union, not self-governing and not under 
the administration of the British South Africa Company, 
the business agents in England are the Crown Agents 
for the Colonies. 

The Dominion of Canada is not such a complete Union Canada, 
as the Union of South Africa ; and the separate provinces, 
or some of them, have Agents General in England for 
purely provincial business ; but Canada, no less than 
South Africa, has only one representative for the Dominion 
as a whole, the High Commissioner for Canada, the first 
of all the high commissioners for the self-governing 
dominions. The Commonwealth of Australia is a looser 
federation than either the Union of South Africa or the 
Dominion of Canada ; and the states which combined 
for certain specified purposes to form a Commonwealth 
retain a large proportion of sovereign rights. The present 
High Commissioner for the Commonwealth is the first of 
his line, not appointed until towards the end of the first 
decade of the Commonwealth, and the agents general 
for the Australian States held their position side by side 
with and not in subordination to the High Commissioner. 
New Zealand, too, since the colony took the title of 
a Dominion, has given to her Agent General the more 
dignified name of High Commissioner. Newfoundland has 
hitherto had no representative in this country. 

The House of Commons Return of 1845, as has been Present 
seen, included the names of two joint Agents General for ^«ente 
Crown Colonies. Of the twenty-two colonies included in 
the Crown colony list, twelve were in charge of one of 
these two gentlemen, and ten in charge of the other. At 
a later date further consolidation was thought desirable, 
and in 1858 a Senior Crown Agent was appointed. Thence- 
forward, though there were still two Crown Agents, and 


at a later date up to and including the present time 
three, there was no longer divided charge, in the sense 
that one man dealt exclusively with some colonies, and 
the other with others ; but the business was apportioned 
as between members of a firm with a recognized senior 
partner. At the present day the Crown Agents are the 
general business and financial agents in the United 
Kingdom for some twenty-four colonies or groups of 
colonies not possessing responsible government and for 
about half that number of British protectorates. They have 
still remnants of financial business for some South African 
and Australasian colonies, dating from the time when 
those colonies were not in the stage of having their own 
financial and business agencies. It may be summed up 
that they are the agents of the colonial governments 
where the colonies are not self-governing. ' They form 
part of the general machinery of Crown colony government 
and are necessarily subject to the instructions of the 
Secretary of State,' x by whom they are appointed. They 
are entirely and exclusively business agents ; but, at the 
same time, inasmuch as they act for all the Crown 
colonies, raise their loans, procure and ship their stores, 
provide passages for their officers, pay their salaries and 
their pensions, find consulting engineers for railways and 
public works, and in a word transact the business of one 
and all on a more or less uniform system, they are — like 
the Colonial Office itself — a very valuable link between 
the widely scattered dependencies of Great Britain which 
have not self-governing institutions. It has already been 
noted that in regard to the sugar-producing colonies 
which employ indentured labour from India, they have 
taken over some of the duties which were discharged by 
the old Board of Colonial Land and Emigration Com- 
High Unlike the Crown Agents for the Colonies, the high 

commissioners of the self-governing dominions are not 
by any means exclusively business agents. In their 
contribution to the agenda for the Imperial Conference 

1 Parliamentary Paper, Crown Agents, Cd. 4473, February 1909, p. vii. 



of 1911, the Government of New Zealand went so far as 
to propose that the high commissioners should be the 
sole channel of communication between imperial and 
dominion governments, and that they should have 
direct access to the Foreign Secretary ; in other words, 
that they should be placed in much the same position as 
ambassadors. These proposals were not entertained, but 
it is clear that the high commissioners are the recognized 
representatives and spokesmen in this country of the 
younger nations of the Empire. It would be difficult, 
if not impossible, at the present moment further to define 
their status, for two reasons. The first reason is that 
the office and duties of a high commissioner, like every 
other fact and factor, past or present, in the British 
Empire, are undergoing a process of evolution. As the 
people represented grows, so the status of the representa- 
tive of the people grows also. The second reason is that, 
apart from the extent of recognition which may be 
accorded by the Imperial Government to a high com- 
missioner, his powers and position depend upon the 
views of those by whom he is appointed ; and the views 
of one dominion or the particular government of one 
dominion at a particular time do not necessarily accord 
with the views of another. When the relations between 
the mother country and the self-governing dominions 
are talked of or discussed in writing, it is commonly 
assumed that there are two parties only concerned, the 
mother country being one and the self-governing 
dominions, taken as a whole, being the other ; as though 
the self-governing dominions formed one homogeneous 
whole. The young peoples of the Empire are, on the 
contrary, as distinct from one another as each of them is 
from the mother country. They regard imperial questions 
each from their own standpoint ; and the value of the 
Imperial Conference consists in eliciting different points 
of view, enabling the differences to be appreciated and 
finding out their greatest common measure. 

The first Colonial Conference deserving the name The evo- 
was held in 1887, the year of the Jubilee of Queen ^{JS 

1321-6 -tt 


Imperial Victoria, in view of the celebration of the Jubilee. It 

ence. 1 was considered to be a suitable occasion for interchange 

Colonial f views on matters of common interest between repre- 

ence of sentatives of the different parts of the Empire which had 


taken its present form and shape during the reign of the 
great Queen. The invitations to the Conference, which 
were sent out in November 1886 by Mr. Stanhope, then 
Secretary of State for the Colonies, placed in the forefront 
of the questions to be discussed better organization of 
military and naval defences and defence forces, and 
improvement of communications throughout the Empire. 
Lord Knutsford, who in 1887 succeeded Mr. Stanhope 
as Secretary of State, presided over the Conference ; the 
self-governing colonies were mainly represented by their 
agents general ; Western Australia and Natal were 
represented, although they had not at that date received 
responsible government ; and representatives of some of 
the Crown colonies were also present at some of the 
meetings. There was no limit to the representation of 
each colony, and no formal rules were laid down. The 
meeting was summoned for friendly discussion, for con- 
sulting, not for binding the different governments in any 
way, and a large number of subjects were considered, 
a notable feature being a motion by Mr. Hofmeyr, one 
of the Cape representatives and of Dutch descent, ' to 
discuss the feasibility of promoting a closer union between 
the various parts of the British Empire by means of an 
Imperial tariff of customs, to be levied independently of 
the duties payable under existing tariffs, on goods entering 
the Empire from abroad, the revenue derived from such 
tariff to be devoted to the general defence of the Empire.' 
Confer- The second Colonial Conference was held at Ottawa in 

1894° 1894. It was hardly on a level with the previous Confer- 
ence ; it was less fully attended, more limited in scope, 
more of an ad hoc Conference than its predecessor, being 

1 For an account of the Imperial Conference, or rather series of Confer- 
ences, see Keith's Responsible Government in the Dominions (1912); The 
Imperial Conference, by Richard Jebb (1911); and the summary given in 
the Colonial Office List. 


called very especially to consider the question of laying 
a submarine cable between Canada and Australia, which 
question had been raised in 1 887. The invitations were sent 
out by the Canadian, not by the Imperial Government ; and 
though the Imperial Government was represented at the 
Conference, the representative was Lord Jersey, who had 
been Governor of New South Wales, and not any member 
of the Home Ministry. Canada was represented, and so 
were five out of the six Australian colonies, but Western 
Australia sent no representative, although the colony had 
by this time received responsible government. New Zea- 
land was represented, and so was the Cape, although the 
latter colony was not concerned in the cable question 
which had led to the Conference. Newfoundland was not 
represented. The Conference was thus confined to the 
self-governing provinces of the Empire, and not all of 
them took part in its deliberations. The proposed Pacific 
cable was considered and recommended ; fast steamer 
services on the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans were recom- 
mended, and resolutions were passed in favour of imperial 
preference and of removing any obstacles, whether caused 
by treaty obligations or otherwise, to commercial recipro- 
city, including the power of making differential tariffs 
within the Empire and between the different provinces 
of the Empire. It may be noted that in the resolutions 
the colonies were referred to as * the dependencies of 
the Empire ' or ' the self-governing dependencies of the 
Empire ' — the term dependency not yet being discarded. 
This Conference, though, as has been stated, it was 
less fully representative and was confined within narrower 
limits than either the Conference which went before or 
those which followed after, had none the less important 
results. One was the appointment of a committee on 
which both the Imperial Government and the colonial 
governments concerned were represented, to deal with 
the subject of the Pacific cable and the eventual con- 
struction of the existing cable under joint management 
and at joint expense. This was a distinct move forward 
in the direction of imperial partnership and co-operation. 

E 2 


Another result was a reasoned pronouncement in subse- 
quent dispatches from the then Secretary of State, 
Lord Ripon, upon preferential and reciprocal treatment, 
and upon the conduct of commercial negotiations with 
foreign Powers in cases in which the self-governing 
dominions might be interested. These dispatches were 
of much value in defining the policy of the Imperial 
Government at the time. 
Confer- Three years after the meeting at Ottawa, the celebration 

1897° °^ ^he sixtieth year of the reign of Queen Victoria, the 
year 1897, brought the third Colonial Conference. The 
prime ministers of all the self-governing colonies were 
invited to be present at the celebration as royal guests, 
and their presence in London was made the occasion for 
a Conference, presided over by Mr. Chamberlain, who 
was now Secretary of State for the Colonies. Canada, 
the six Australian colonies, New Zealand, the Cape Colony, 
Natal, and Newfoundland were all represented by their 
prime ministers. Political relations, commercial questions, 
and defence, all received attention. A resolution was 
passed in favour of denouncing at the earliest convenient 
time any treaties which hampered the freedom of com- 
mercial relations between Great Britain and her colonies 
by conceding to a foreign country most-favoured-nation 
treatment, and this resolution led shortly afterwards to the 
denunciation of the commercial treaties with Germany 
and Belgium. Another resolution suggested preference 
to the products of the United Kingdom in the markets 
of the colonies, ' in the hope of improving the trade 
relations between the mother country and the colonies.' 
The all-important question of the exclusion of coloured 
immigrants from the self-governing colonies was dis- 
cussed ; and so was also the question of closer political 
union between the self-governing colonies and the mother 
country, involving on the one hand participation by the 
colonies in the direction of imperial policy, and on the 
other proportionate contribution to imperial expenditure. 
Federation of colonies geographically conterminous was 
favoured ; which expression of opinion was followed in 


three years' time by the passing of the Act constituting 
the Commonwealth of Australia. Much prominence was 
given to naval matters. The First Lord of the Admiralty 
attended the Conference, and made a statement as to 
naval defence ; while the Prime Minister of the Cape 
offered on behalf of his government a contribution to the 
Royal Navy in the form of the cost of a first-class battle- 
ship — an offer for which an annual payment was subse- 
quently substituted. This Conference of 1897 more nearly 
approximated than the previous conferences to the form 
which the Imperial Conference has now taken, each 
colony being represented by its Prime Minister, all classes 
of subjects being discussed and a general agreement 
being arrived at that similar meetings should be held 
periodically. On the other hand, the detailed proceedings 
were not published, and only a summary was laid before 
Parliament, including the address given by Mr. Chamber- 
lain as President at the opening of the Conference, the 
statement made by Mr. Goschen as First Lord of the Admi- 
ralty, and the resolutions which were actually passed. 

The fourth Conference took place in 1902, on the occasion Confer- 
of the Coronation of King Edward VII. Mr. Chamberlain e ™£ of 
again presided, as Secretary of State for the Colonies ; 
and, as before, the self-governing colonies were represented 
by their respective prime ministers, who were royal 
guests for the Coronation. The federation of Australia, 
however, into a Commonwealth, which had by this time 
taken place, had the effect of largely reducing the number 
of representative prime ministers, one appearing on 
behalf of Australia in lieu of six. In addition to the 
subjects proposed for discussion by the Imperial Govern- 
ment, the colonies had been invited to suggest additions 
to the agenda ; and on particular questions affecting 
their special departments some ministers from Canada 
and Australia, as well as the prime ministers, attended 
various meetings of the Conference and took part in the 
discussions. As on the previous occasion, the full pro- 
ceedings were not published, but the summary which was 
laid before Parliament included, in addition to the 


President's opening speech and the resolutions which 
were passed, some papers on special subjects which had 
been prepared for the use of the Conference. Naval 
defence was again a leading topic of discussion ; the 
Australasian and South African colonies increased their 
contributions to the Navy ; and Newfoundland offered a 
contribution to the Royal Naval Reserve. The principle of 
preferential trade within the Empire was more boldly and 
definitely asserted than before ; and the colonies agreed to 
give or to continue and increase commercial preference 
to the mother country, urging the mother country in turn 
to give similar treatment to colonial products. As regards 
the Conference itself, a resolution was passed that meetings 
should be held ' as far as practicable, at intervals not 
exceeding four years, at which questions of common 
interest affecting the relations of the mother country and 
His Majesty's dominions over the seas could be discussed 
and considered as between the Secretary of State for the 
Colonies and the Prime Ministers of the self-governing 
colonies ' ; such conferences were to be arranged by the 
Secretary of State for the Colonies after communication 
with the prime ministers of the various colonies. Thus 
a further step forward was made, and the Conference 
may be said to have been established as a recognized 
part of the machinery of the Empire, by being made a 
four-yearly institution. It will be noted that in the 
resolution which has been quoted, the word ' Depen- 
dencies ', which was used at the Ottawa Conference, 
found no place, and the phrase ' the Dominions over the 
seas ' was used side by side with ' self-governing colonies ', 
which latter term was also destined at a later date to 
disappear. It will be noted, too, that the dramatis 
personae are given as the Prime Ministers of the self- 
governing colonies on the one hand, but on the other, 
not as yet the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, 
only the departmental minister charged with the business 
Scheme of the colonies. 

forlm- j n accordance with this resolution, the next Confer- 

Council, ence, the fifth in the series, was due in 1906, but it was 


not actually held until 1907, a change of government 
having in the meantime taken place in the United Kingdom, 
with far-reaching consequences. With a view to the 
coming Conference, Mr. Lyttelton, who was at the time 
Secretary of State for the Colonies, wrote in April 1905 
a circular dispatch to the self-governing colonies, in 
which he made proposals for giving a more definite form 
and greater continuity to what had now become a 
permanent series of meetings between accredited repre- 
sentatives of the Imperial Government and the govern- 
ments of the self-governing colonies. This dispatch, 
fruitful and suggestive, though the suggestions were not 
accepted as they stood, gave a distinct lead towards a 
wider conception of the relations between the motherland 
and the younger peoples of the Empire. Mr. Lyttelton 
proposed to abandon the term ' Colonial Conference ' 
as no longer adequate, and to substitute for it the title 
of ' Imperial Council '. The permanent members of the 
Imperial Council would be the Secretary of State for 
the Colonies as representing the Imperial Government, 
and the prime ministers of those colonies which were 
represented at the Conference of 1902, or, in the absence 
of any prime minister, of a representative appointed 
ad hoc by the colony concerned. These permanent 
members of the council could be assisted for special pur- 
poses by other ministers, attending particular meetings, as 
they had attended in 1902 ; and the dispatch further 
suggested that, when questions arose touching her interests, 
India also might be represented on the council. The 
functions of a council thus formed could be left to the 
natural process of evolution, to development according 
to circumstances, and any formal or rigid definition at 
the outset of its powers or constitution was to be depre- 
cated ; but, as it would only meet under ordinary 
conditions at intervals of four years, Mr. Lyttelton 
proposed that it should be supplemented by a kind of 
standing Royal Commission, on which all the governments 
concerned would be represented, any expense in the 
matter of the secretarial staff being met by the Imperial 


Government. The duties of this Commission would be 
purely advisory ; it would act only on reference being 
made to it by the Imperial Council, or by the Imperial 
Government and one or more of the colonial governments 
conjointly ; it would supplement but not supersede the 
Colonial Office, would prepare business for the Imperial 
Council, and examine business referred to it by the Council. 
It would in short supply continuity to the Conferences, 
and during the intervals between the four-yearly meetings 
keep in evidence the permanent organization indicated by 
the new title, ' Imperial Council '. 
Dominion Here was an outline of an imperial agency, a statement 
proposed which defined, and proposals which carried forward, what 
Council, had been done already. The scheme gave the element 
of continuity which was obviously needed, and at the 
same time was sufficiently tentative to allow of growth 
and widening out on whatever lines the future might 
indicate. The answers to this important dispatch are 
of much historic interest, as illustrating the point, which 
has already been emphasized, that the self-governing 
dominions must not be looked upon as one whole in their 
relations to the mother country, but as being diverse 
peoples with widely differing views. The main opposition to 
Mr. Lyttelton's proposals came from the eldest dominion, 
Canada. The Canadian Government of the day, Sir 
Wilfrid Laurier's Ministry, was suspicious of the term 
' Imperial Council ? as ' suggesting a permanent institution 
which, endowed with a continuous life, might eventually 
come to be regarded as an encroachment upon the full 
measure of autonomous legislative and administrative 
power now enjoyed by all the self-governing colonies '. 
If any change of name were to be made, they suggested 
that ' Imperial Conference ' would be less open to ob- 
jection than ' Imperial Council ', and at the Conference 
of 1907 the title ' Imperial Conference ' was adopted. 
Neither did Sir Wilfrid Laurier and his colleagues 
welcome the proposal for a standing Commission. Here 
again they could not ' wholly divest themselves of 
the idea that such a Commission might conceivably 


interfere with the working of responsible government,' 
but they left the matter to be discussed at the coming 

This Conference, held in 1907 and presided over by Imperial 
Lord Elgin as Secretary of State, was memorable in many J c n e er " 
ways. The proceedings were not held in public, but for 
the most part they were not treated as confidential, and 
a full report of the detailed discussions was subsequently 
laid before Parliament. From South Africa there came 
as representatives not only the Prime Ministers of the 
Cape and Natal but also General Botha, the Prime 
Minister of the Transvaal, lately adopted into the family 
of the self-governing colonies of the Empire. The subjects 
raised in Mr. Lyttelton's dispatch were keenly and 
lengthily debated, and on no occasion was there clearer 
evidence that the point of view of one dominion or of the 
representative of one dominion may be wholly opposed 
to the point of view of another. It may perhaps be 
summed up that Mr. Deakin, as the spokesman of Aus- 
tralia, took for his text equality of partnership, urging 
that the Conference was and should be recognized as a con- 
ference between governments, and not between dominion 
governments on the one hand and on the other one 
department of the Imperial Government, urging further 
as the complement of this view that there should be some 
such organization as has been indicated in the standing 
Commission of Mr. Lyttelton's dispatch, which should 
be wholly apart from the Colonial Office and be the servant 
of and under the control of all the governments concerned 
in equal measure. A widely different view was that of 
which Sir Wilfrid Laurier was the mouthpiece on behalf 
of Canada. This was the point of view which had already 
been outlined in the answer from Canada to Mr. Lyttelton's 
dispatch, the point of view of non-interference and dislike 
of any innovation which might lead to outside authority 
and control. Eventually the future constitution of the 
Conference was definitely laid down. As already stated, 
the title of Imperial Conference was agreed to, four years 
were retained as the interval between the meetings ; the 


Conference was recognized as a meeting between govern- 
ments, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and 
not the Secretary of State for the Colonies being made 
ex officio President, but the Secretary of State being made 
an ex officio member, to take the chair in the absence of 
the President, and to make arrangements for the meetings 
after communication with the prime ministers of the 
dominions who would be the other ex officio members of 
the Conference. It will be remembered that in the 
Conference of 1902 other ministers had taken some part 
in the discussions in addition to the prime ministers, and 
prior to the meeting of 1907, a wish had been expressed 
that a similar course should be taken at the coming 
Conference. The question was left for the Conference 
itself to decide, and it was laid down that such other 
ministers as the respective governments might appoint 
should be members of the Conference, but that as a 
general rule on each subject for discussion there should 
be only two spokesmen for each government, and that in 
every case each government should have one vote only. 
It was further decided that there should be a permanent 
secretarial staff to keep the different governments informed 
in the intervals between the Conferences on matters 
which had been or might be subjects of discussion and 
generally to attend to and correspond on matters relating 
to the Conference ; but this secretariat was to be directly 
under the charge of the Secretary of State for the Colonies, 
not a separate organization under the joint control of the 
different governments. Finally it was decided that urgent 
matters which could not wait for the ordinary and 
periodical Conference, and matters of minor importance 
or involving technical detail, should be dealt with by 
Subsidiary subsidiary Conferences attended by specially appointed 
ences :" representatives of the different governments. It was 
defence, under this provision that a special and very important 
Defence Conference was subsequently held in 1909, at 
which considerable advance was made in regard to the 
amount and methods of contributions by the self-govern- 
ing dominions to the naval strength of the Empire, 


Canada, as there represented, 1 and Australia deciding in 
favour of a policy of building and owning ships of their 
own to supplement the Royal Navy, while New Zealand 
preferred to continue a direct contribution in money to 
the Royal Navy, coupled with the gift of a warship of 
the Indomitable class, in accordance with an offer 
which had been previously made by the New Zealand 
Government and had in large measure given rise to the 
Defence Conference. Similarly a subsidiary Conference 
was held in 1910 on the subject of copyright. 

The Defence Conference of 1909 dealt with military as 
well as naval defence (p. 217). The subject had been 
before the main Conference of 1907, and a resolution had 
then been adopted in favour of a General Staff for the 
whole Empire. Many other subjects were discussed in 
1907, such as judicial appeals, naturalization, emigration, 
trade marks and statistics, and company law ; and the 
resolutions passed in 1902 on the subject of preferential 
trade within the Empire were reaffirmed by the representa- 
tives of the dominion governments, but not by the 
Imperial Government. 

The net result of the Conference of 1907, apart from the Results of 
particular questions which were discussed at it, may be en ^°of 
said to have been greatly to raise and emphasize the status 1907 : 
alike of the Conference itself and of the self-governing mm ion*s. 
provinces of the Empire. From this time we date the 
name of Imperial Conference, the name of dominions as a 
generic term for the self-governing colonies, in order to 
distinguish them from the Crown colonies and emphasize 
their adult nationhood, the creation and the naming of 
the separate Dominions Department of the Colonial 
Office, the creation of a secretariat in connexion with the 
Imperial Conference, provision for subsidiary conferences 
on special questions, the nomination of the Prime Minister 
of the United Kingdom as ex officio Chairman of the 
Imperial Conference, denoting the fact that the meeting 
is now a formal meeting between governments with 

1 It will be remembered that the naval policy of Canada in 1909 was 
the policy of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's government (see Vol. IV, Chap. XVI). 


governments on equal terms, in lieu of a more or less 
informal gathering for personal interchange of views 
between representatives of colonial governments on the 
one side and on the other the departmental minister in 
England, who for the time being has charge of the colonies. 
In short, in 1907, a definite constitution was evolved, and 
the Imperial Conference became once for all a recognized 
and permanent agency for meeting the new conditions of 
the Empire, those new conditions being the grouping of 
the self-governing colonies into larger units, their growth 
in wealth and population, and their attainment of the 
position of nations. 
Confer- This grouping had been carried further by the 

ence of 

ion. time when the sixth Conference was held in 1911. On 
this occasion, as had not been the case in 1907, the 
Conference once more synchronized with, or as a matter 
of fact slightly preceded, a great State ceremonial, the 
Coronation of His Majesty King George V. Two years 
previously, in 1909, the Act for the Union of South Africa 
had been passed, and in consequence South Africa at the 
1911 Conference was represented as one unit, not as 
three. General Botha, who in 1907 had taken his seat 
as Prime Minister of the Transvaal, now came as Prime 
Minister of the Union of South Africa. There were thus 
five prime ministers from the overseas dominions, 
representing Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South 
Africa, and Newfoundland ; and, unless the future has 
in store the union of Newfoundland with Canada, or some 
further federation in the Pacific seas, it may be taken 
that finality in the representation of the dominions has 
at length been reached. The Prime Minister of the 
United Kingdom for the first time presided at the large 
majority of the meetings ; and not only were the prime 
ministers of the dominions accompanied in each case by 
either one or two members of their cabinets, but the 
different cabinet ministers in this country, who in 1907, 
had largely participated in the Conference, in 1911, to 
a greater extent than before, took over each his special 
item in the agenda. 


Through the agency of the secretariat, the business for Proposals 
the Conference had been more carefully arranged and more f°itution" 
fully digested than on previous occasions ; and in some of Colonial 
at any rate of the dominion parliaments there had been for i^ nc 
debate on the resolutions to be put forward. In some perial 
quarters, both in the United Kingdom and beyond the f state, 
seas, a desire had been manifested further to reconstitute 
the Colonial Office, and either to divide it practically into 
two offices, though remaining in charge of one and the 
same minister, or to remove the Dominions Department 
and the Imperial Secretariat wholly out of the Colonial 
Office and place them preferably under the Prime Minister. 
The feeling which dictated either proposal was that the 
self-governing dominions, being on a footing equal and 
not subordinate to the mother country, should in no way 
be associated with the subordinate Crown colonies, and 
that the business connected with the dominions, or at 
any rate so much of the dominions' business as came 
within the scope of the Imperial Secretariat, should be in 
charge of the head of the Imperial Government, who 
would deal with the heads of the dominions' governments. 
But Canada, as before, was not disposed to disturb the 
status quo ; the existing arrangements of the Colonial 
Office were left unchanged ; and a proposal to constitute 
a standing committee of the Imperial Conference, which 
was made by Mr. Harcourt on behalf of the Imperial 
Government, in order to meet as far as possible the 
wishes of some of the dominions, was withdrawn in the 
absence of unanimous support. A still colder reception 
was given to a more ambitious scheme put forward by 
Sir Joseph Ward, Prime Minister of New Zealand. On 
the agenda paper New Zealand had fathered a resolution 
to the effect that ' there should be an Imperial Council 
of State, with representatives from all the constituent 
parts of the Empire, whether self-governing or not, in 
theory and in fact advisory to the Imperial Government 
on all questions affecting the interests of His Majesty's 
Dominions overseas '. At the Conference, the New Zealand 
prime minister enunciated a rather different proposal : one 


for what he styled a Parliament of Defence, to which the 
self-governing dominions as well as the mother country 
should elect representatives, and from which and responsi- 
ble to which an Executive Council of fifteen should be 
elected. This Parliament, he suggested, should deal from 
the Imperial Defence point of view with foreign relations, 
and questions of peace and war, deciding upon the 
necessary expenditure, but not having, in the first 
instance at any rate, powers of taxation for raising the 
funds to cover the expenditure, which funds would,, 
roughly speaking, be contributed on the basis of popu- 
lation. The proposal represented, somewhat vaguely 
and prematurely, the views of the advanced school of 
Imperialists, and Sir Joseph Ward received no support 
from the other members of the Conference. 
The Con- The general tone of the Conference was in fact con- 
anTde- servative. There was no general inclination to make any 
fence. marked change of policy or of procedure. On the other 
hand, there was a very clear and general advance in the 
direction of business-like co-operation, as was shown by the 
fact that the members of the Conference discussed ques- 
tions of defence in secret conclave with the Committee of 
Imperial Defence, being given full cognizance of the foreign 
relations of the Empire and being placed in a position to 
appreciate more fully than before the nature and the 
difficulty of international questions. This was of peculiar 
importance, bearing in mind that the Commonwealth of 
Australia was represented by Labour Ministers, and that 
Labour and its representatives must in the coming time 
play a constantly growing part in imperial politics. In 
regard to military and naval matters, the results of the 
Conference of 1911 were to summarize and make clear 
the action which had been taken since and in consequence 
of the Defence Conference of 1909, and in particular to 
define the status of the Canadian and Australian navies, 
their relations to the Royal Navy, and the stations which 
will form the ' sphere of influence ' of His Majesty's 
Canadian and His Majesty's Australian ships. On other 
questions, without going into detail, it may be said 


generally that even when no definite solution of difficulties 
was achieved, something was done towards a better 
understanding ; and in some directions there was a very 
distinct advance. Thus agreement was reached as to the imperial 
constitution of an Imperial Court of Appeal ; without 2pp? a l° f 
making any marked new departure, it was decided to 
add two new Lords of Appeal whose services should be 
available in either division of the Imperial Court of 
Appeal, in other words, either in the House of Lords or 
in the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ; and on 
the difficult question of naturalization a compromise 
proposed by the Imperial Government was accepted, 
whereby the five years' residence which is required by 
the imperial statute in order to qualify for imperial 
naturalization may be spent anywhere in the British 
Empire, instead of being confined to the United Kingdom. 
A discussion on the much debated subject of the Declara- Interna- 
tion of London led to a resolution emphasizing once more agree . 
very definitely and distinctly the necessity for consulting m * nta . 
the dominion governments in regard to international Domi- ° 
agreements affecting the dominions, prior to entering on mons * 
negotiations with a view to such agreements (p. 83), and 
to a promise that, in the case of old treaties binding the 
dominions in commercial matters, the Powers with whom 
the treaties were made should be approached with a view 
to substituting new treaties in which the dominions 
would be given the option of adherence and withdrawal ; 
while in connexion with merchant shipping and the 
employment of Lascar sailors, the general subject of the 
treatment of British Indians in the dominions was raised, 
and Lord Crewe, as Secretary of State for India, put the 
case of India and her people with all the more force in 
that he had lately been Secretary of State for the Colonies. 
One outcome of the Conference was the appointment, at Royal 
the instance of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of a Royal Com- B i^°^' 
mission, consisting of representatives at once of the trade and 
mother country and of the self-governing dominions, to 
investigate and report upon the trade and natural 
resources of each part of the Empire represented at the 



Conference, and to recommend ' by what methods con- 
sistent with the existing fiscal policy of each part, the 
trade of each part with the others may be improved and 
extended '. The report of this Commission was intended 
to be available for discussion at the Imperial Conference, 
in 1915 (see Chap . IX) . Finally it may be noted in regard 
to future Conferences that a resolution was adopted, 
contemplating the possibility of holding either the main 
Conference or a subsidiary Conference in one or other of 
the self-governing dominions. 
General Having now brought the story of the Imperial Confer- 

view of ence down to the present day, it remains to sum up what 
organiza- has been said, and to take a bird's-eye view of the British 
Empire and its organization as a whole. One half of the 
British Empire is mainly in the temperate zones, it 
consists of the self-governing dominions now formed into 
groups and grown into nations, dealing with the mother 
country on the footing of partnership and constantly 
increasing equality. The other half of the Empire consists 
in the main of tropical dependencies inhabited by coloured 
races. But there are exceptions to this general statement. 
The Mediterranean colonies, for instance, which, as a 
matter of fact, are rather outposts than colonies, are not 
in the tropics and are not the homes of coloured races. 
At the other end of the earth the distant colony of the 
Falkland Islands is a pure white colony, in a climate some- 
what resembling the wind-swept parts of our own island. 
Nor again in the tropics themselves is white settlement 
wholly wanting, as is shown by the fact that white British 
families have been domiciled in the West Indies for many 
generations. All these dependencies, other than India, 
have usually been included under the generic term Crown 
colonies, and India itself is the greatest of Crown colonies, 
though not called by the name. 
Crown It has been seen that the grouping process, the forming 

of larger units, which has been carried so far and so 
successfully in the self-governing dominions, is also 
taking place in the Crown colonies ; but this fact, and the 
use of the general term Crown colonies, must not be allowed 



to obscure the truth that these dependencies are most 
varied and most diverse. Among them are semi-self- 
governing colonies, colonies which have representative 
institutions without responsible government. In fact, 
the correct name, which covers the whole class, and 
which has been officially adopted, is not ' Crown colonies ' 
but 'colonies not possessing responsible government'. 
Some of the West Indies, as has already been stated, have 
constitutions which date back from the early days of British 
settlement. Barbados has much history behind its elected 
Assembly. The Bahamas and, north of the West Indian 
area, Bermuda have their miniature parliaments with 
elected representatives ; while British Guiana has a 
constitution which is in part a legacy from Dutch times. 
In certain other colonies there is an elected element in 
the legislature, but the Constitution provides for a 
government majority actual or potential, and these 
constitutions again vary as widely as the colonies are 
distant from each other. Mauritius, Fiji, Jamaica, among 
others, are all in this category, and the Legislative Council 
of Ceylon now includes elected representatives. The 
ordinary and traditional constitution of a Crown colony 
consists of the Governor, an Executive Council, and a 
nominated Legislative Council, as in the Straits Settlements, 
for instance, or the Gold Coast or Trinidad ; but there are 
some Crown colonies which have no Legislative Council 
whatever — Gibraltar is one of them, and here all power 
both executive and legislative is vested in the Governor. 

As they differ in constitutions, so the Crown colonies Differ- 
differ in kind. Some are of the nature of military outposts character 
and garrisons, and even they differ widely among them- of Crown 
selves. Gibraltar, Malta, and Bermuda all have soldier 
governors nominated by the War Office. At Gibraltar, 
a fortress pure and simple, it has been seen that the 
Governor is absolute. Malta, on the other hand, which 
came into British keeping by the free will of its inhabitants, 
has been the scene of repeated constitutional changes, 
and Bermuda has its old constitution. Others of the 
Crown colonies are at once fortresses and great trading 

1321-6 T? 



centres, notably Singapore and Hong Kong, the volume of 
trade passing through the port of Hong Kong being greater 
than that of almost any other port in the Empire. Others 
are homes of tropical production, such as the sugar 
colonies, including the West Indies, Mauritius, and Fiji, 
or the West African colonies and protectorates with 
their palm-oil and rubber ; or Ceylon with its varied 
resources, including tea and coco-nuts. Mineral products, 
too, are in evidence, from tin in the Malay Peninsula to 
asphalt in Trinidad. 
Differ- Equally varied is the tenure by which England holds 

tenure of these dependencies. As has been pointed out already, 
dependen- some are colonies and some are protectorates ; and the 
protectorates are of varying degrees and kinds, including, 
in one instance at least, a joint protectorate with a foreign 
Power ; for the Pacific Island group of the New Hebrides 
is under an Anglo-French condominium, somewhat 
parallel to which in appearance, though not in fact, is the 
Anglo-Egyptian control of the Sudan. Cyprus is occupied 
and administered by Great Britain under the terms of 
a treaty with Turkey. Wei-hai-wei and part of the main- 
land territory of Hong Kong are held on lease from China. 
The High Commissioner for the Western Pacific has in 
his charge Pitcairn Island, which the mutiny of the Bounty 
made in effect a kind of British colony, though for more 
than a hundred years it was not in any sense under the 
British Government ; while on the other hand, in the 
South Atlantic, midway between the Cape of Good Hope 
and Cape Horn, Tristan da Cunha was annexed as far back 
as 1816, when Napoleon was at St. Helena ; but though 
a British possession, it is no more than a derelict island 
where a handful of British subjects are occasionally visited 
and live in a kind of peaceful anarchy. 

The Crown colonies, then, resemble one another in not 
being fully self-governing or in not being self-governing 
at all. Otherwise they are far from homogeneous ; they 
differ in kind, in tenure, in form of government. In all, 
the central figure is the Governor, who is not only, as in 
the self-governing dominions, the nominal head of the 


government and the authorized channel of communica- 
tion with the Colonial Office, but is in fact as well as in 
name the chief executive officer, and whose power, except 
in the few cases where there is an elected majority in 
the legislature, is paramount, and who in turn is subject 
to the paramount power of the Secretary of State for the 
Colonies on this side the water. Only some of the Crown 
colonies, the Eastern colonies, with the example of India 
before them, and rich enough to pay for an administration 
modelled on the lines of India, are officered by fully 
developed civil services recruited on the competitive 
system. Elsewhere the administrative staff is, as a 
general rule, supplied in the lower grades by local appoint- 
ment, in the upper grades by nomination of the Secretary 
of State. For all these dependencies the Colonial Office 
is not merely the domicile of ultimate control. It is the 
great connecting link which gives to diverse elements and 
scattered units the continuity and outline of uniformity 
without which the fabric could not be held together. 

It must not be overlooked by those who are interested Relations 
in British colonial administration that in its dealings with ^iaioffice 
the Crown colonies the Colonial Office in a growing degree with 

i i • i i p • ' -i external 

welcomes and receives help from various agencies and or ganiza- 
committees, official and unofficial. Among government tions - 
departments the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew have been 
conspicuously helpful in developing the agricultural 
resources of the tropical colonies ; and the Imperial 
Department of Agriculture for the West Indies, to which 
those colonies owe much, including the revival of the 
cotton industry, may be considered as a child of Kew. 
The Scientific and Technical Department of the Imperial 
Institute is available for investigation of colonial products, 
both mineral and agricultural, and not for the tropical 
colonies alone. The great advance which has of late 
years been made in medical science as bearing upon the 
tropical dependencies of Great Britain, and bids fair to 
revolutionize conditions of life in the tropics, is recognized 
and supported by schools, bureaus, and committees, all 
for the purpose of investigating the causes and finding 



the remedies of tropical diseases, whether of men or animals 
(Chap. VII). All these agencies are in some sort linked to 
the Colonial Office. A Colonial Survey Committee sits at 
the Colonial Office to promote a more accurate and techni- 
cal knowledge than was previously available, of the lands 
which that office has to administer and dispose, especially 
in tropical Africa ; and, once more, wholly unconnected 
with the Colonial Office, but yet of no little use to it, 
as presenting outside views with special knowledge, are 
associations representing particular colonies or groups of 
colonies, such as — to take the oldest of these associations 
— the West India Committee, first established in the 
middle of the eighteenth century. 
Relations In England, at the heart of the Empire, the Home 

govlm 1 - 0118 0ffice deals in the main with the Isle of Man and the 
mentoffi- Channel Islands, though the Governors of Jersey and 

certain Guernsey are soldiers, nominated by the War Office. Out- 
depen- gjjg £h e home waters, the India Office, with its Secretary 
of State and Council, deals with India. All matters 
relating to Egypt, where Great Britain has more than 
purely diplomatic relations, and all matters relating to the 
Sudan, where she has joint authority with Egypt, are 
handled by the Foreign Office, which thus still retains 
some functions outside and beyond diplomatic dealings 
with foreign and wholly independent nations. The 
Admiralty, we have seen, has a dependency in Ascension 
Island. The Board of Trade has lighthouses on some rocky 
Conclu- islets. But outside India, and excluding what may be 
called the British sphere of interest in Egypt and the 
Sudan, to the Colonial Office is assigned the whole charge 
of the British Empire overseas. The whole of the sphere 
of settlement comes within its range and is assigned to 
the Dominions Department of the office, now clearly and 
definitely marked from the other side of the office, as 
having mainly duties which are more akin to diplomacy 
than to administration. Linked to this department is 
the organization for the Imperial Conference, and side by 
side with it are the high commissioners for the self- 
governing dominions, the whole constituting an Imperial 



Agency in the making, so far as the Empire consists of 
self-governing peoples. Still greater is the volume of 
work which falls to the administrative branch of the 
Colonial Office, as is shown by the number and variety of 
the Crown colonies, to which reference has just been made. 
It would be impossible in history to find a parallel, to 
discover a government office dealing with the outside 
provinces of an empire whose duties were so multifarious 
and whose connexions were so far-reaching. There has been 
abundant criticism from time to time of British methods 
at home and abroad, and there has no doubt been room 
for criticism ; but with it all the Empire has grown 
and the agency for handling the Empire has grown also ; 
and if impatient critics have now and again held the agency 
to be behind the time, it has at least stood for continuity 
and for tradition, for linking the new to the old, which has 
been a priceless source of strength to the British race. 
The main problem of empire from the earliest times to 
the present day has been how to hold together territories 
and peoples at a long distance from one another. The 
forces of science, steam, and electricity are at a continually 
accelerated pace eliminating distance ; and the difficulties 
of the future must inevitably be widely different from 
those of the past. The great safeguard of the British 
Empire, the one sure ground of confidence for the future, 
is that the Empire itself and its organization has been 
the result of growth, that its system, if it can be called 
a system, possesses more elasticity, is more capable of 
being adapted to changing conditions, than any other 
which the world has yet seen. 



By R. M. Barrington-Ward 

From the earliest times the existence of independent 
states has implied the necessity for mutual communica- 
tions between those states. Even in a less civilized and 
complex age than our own, diplomacy, in however crude 
a form, was an essential part of the equipment of the 
ancient royal household or republic. From the heroic 
age onwards we find a system of heralds or King's envoys, 
gradually increasing in importance and elaborateness. 
With the extension of the territories and commerce of 
sovereign states and the corresponding growth in arma- 
ments, the conduct of foreign affairs tended to become 
less a matter of spasmodic decisions from time to time, 
and more a reasoned and continuous policy. In England 
the King, at an early time, directed the course of his rela- 
tions with foreign powers by means of special envoys, 
sent on occasions to the continental and other courts, and 
of a secretary, who was, however, concerned equally with 
home affairs. The earliest mention of a secretary to the 
Sovereign occurs in the reign of Henry III, in 1253. A 
second secretary seems to have been appointed in 1433. 
The necessity for making a distinction between these 
two officers gave rise to the term ' principal ' secretary. 
A further development was reached in the reign of 
Henry VIII, when, in 1539, the office of ' King's Principal 
Secretary ' was divided between two persons of equal 
rank and duties. Each of these now presided over a depart- 
ment, and each had his own under-secretaries and staff. 
One department was called the ' Northern ', the other 
the ' Southern '. The Northern department included 
within its province the Low Countries, Germany, Den- 


mark, Sweden, Poland, and Russia, and the Southern 
department included France, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, 
Portugal, and Turkey. The Secretariat of State was, 
and still is, a truly collegiate office — that is to say, that 
any one of the present five secretaries of state is fully 
competent to discharge the duties of any other. 

The division of the Administration of Foreign Affairs Adminis- 
into two departments continued on into the eighteenth {^prove- 
century. It was a system, however, which occasioned merits. 
the greatest inconvenience and delay, and, on more than 
one occasion, the loss or injury of highly important 
public documents. Furthermore, the distinction drawn 
was somewhat arbitrary ; it was found that in many 
ways the work of one office overlapped that of the other. 
The consequent confusion was not diminished by the fact 
that the two departments were housed in different build- 
ings, and that a period of great expansion of trade and 
territories had much increased the pressure of business 
relating to foreign affairs. The system was accordingly 
reorganized in 1782. The terms * Northern ' and 
' Southern ' were discontinued and the duties divided 
between the ' Home ' and ' Foreign ' departments. The 
care of Ireland and the colonies was entrusted for a time 
to the former department. On March 27, 1782, Charles 
James Fox was appointed the first Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs, and he duly notified the representa- 
tives of foreign Powers of the change in a circular-letter. 
No mention of it is made in the minutes of the Privy 
Council or in the departments themselves. The reorganiza- 
tion, therefore, was regarded as purely administrative, 
but it was a change ' of great importance in the history 
of the departments of the Government '. ' Home and 
Foreign affairs are recognized for the first time as two 
distinct provinces of administration, and though in theory 
the work of all secretaries of state is interchangeable, 
from this time forth, as successive secretaryships have 
been brought into existence, special functions have been 
assigned to each. They are recognized as departmental 
chiefs, not as channels for communicating the intentions 


of the King in Council.' * From the appointment of 
Fox, therefore, may fairly be dated the Foreign Office 
in its modern form. Since that date, through successive 
steps of administrative improvement too numerous to 
mention, the same principle of a separate department 
presided over by a minister has been observed. 
The Like the other secretaries of state, the Foreign Secretary 

official i s a member of the Cabinet and is responsible to Parlia- 
ment. He is assisted by the Parliamentary Under- 
Secretary and the Permanent Under-Secretary. The 
former is a member of Parliament and holds his office 
subject to his continuance in Parliament as the representa- 
tive of a constituency. He assists the Foreign Secretary 
in the House, and has frequently to take his place there 
for minor debates or for the purpose of answering ques- 
tions, when the numerous and pressing duties of the 
Foreign Secretary prevent his personal attendance. 
When the Foreign Secretary is a peer, the Under- 
Secretary's position is even more responsible. The 
Permanent Under-Secretary is, as his title implies, a 
permanent non -political official. He is often, though not 
necessarily, chosen from the staff of the Foreign Office. 
He presides over the Financial Department, which is 
concerned with the preparation of the annual estimate, 
with salaries, allowances, and pensions, and with appoint- 
ments in the diplomatic service. Though this work is 
mainly of a routine kind, yet the chief permanent official 
is in a position of considerable influence and responsi- 
bility. ' The theoretical relation between the political 
chief and his permanent subordinate is a simple one. 
The political chief furnishes the lay element in the con- 
cern. His function is to bring the administration into 
harmony with the general sense of the community, and 
especially of Parliament. ... He is also a critic charged 
with the duty of rooting out old abuses. . . . The permanent 
officials, on the other hand, are to give their advice 
upon the questions that arise, so as to enable their chief 

1 Sir W. Anson, Law and Custom of the Constitution, 1908 ed., vol. ii, part 2, 
Introd., p. xiii. 


to reach a wise conclusion and keep him from falling into 
mistake. ... In short, the chief lays down the general 
policy, while his subordinates give him the benefit of 
their advice and attend to the details.' It is clear that 
in these conditions the permanent official must often 
exercise to all intents an executive authority in deter- 
mining policy, backed up as he is by long experience and 
an intimate knowledge of the precedents. The permanent 
official's 'advice' is often the minister's 'policy'. 'It 
is easy enough ', adds the writer quoted above, ' to state 
a principle of this kind, but in practice it is very hard 
to draw the line.' 1 A newly appointed Foreign Secretary 
must inevitably depend largely on the skill and experience 
of his permanent subordinate, who supplies the element 
of continuity essential to a stable national policy. 

Three Assistant Under-Secretaries superintend the Foreign 
workings of the five departments which carry on the day- depart- 
to-day relations of the British Government with the ments. 
governments of other Powers. 2 The care of these rela- 
tions is distributed among the departments in question, 
roughly, on a geographical basis, each being responsible 
for a particular region. The department for Eastern 
Europe has assigned to it business relating to Russia and 
the Balkan States, to Persia, Afghanistan, Central Asia, 
and Egypt ; the department for Western Europe has to 
do with the Western European States and Morocco ; the 
Far Eastern department is responsible for China, Japan, 
and Siam ; the American department for North, South, 
and Central America, the Pacific Islands, and the West 
Indies ; and the African department for Africa, with the 
exception of Egypt, the Sudan, and Morocco. 

In addition there are five departments responsible for 
the conduct of other affairs arising out of foreign policy. 
The Treaty department prepares the drafts of the treaties 
that may from time to time be required. This department 
has the duty of seeing that such treaties are in keeping 
with the general trend of relations with foreign Powers, 

1 A. L. Lowell, The Government of England, 1908 ed., vol. i, p. 182. 

2 See Foreign Office List. 


and that they do not conflict with other treaty obligations 
of the Imperial Government. Orders in Council are looked 
after by this department, which is also concerned with 
questions of nationality and naturalization, and with 
questions arising from such matters as ceremonial, which 
naturally plays a large part in all public manifestations 
of the diplomatic connexion between one state and 
another. Treaties, correspondence, State documents, 
and confidential papers are deposited in the library of 
the Foreign Office under the care of the librarians, on whom 
also devolves the duty of writing memoranda on historical 
events, international cases, and treaty questions. The two 
remaining departments are the Consular and Commercial. 
These are closely connected and are under the supervision 
of the Controller of Consular and Commercial Affairs. 
The Consular Department carries on correspondence with 
the ministers, diplomatic representatives, and consuls 
abroad on matters which have a more direct bearing on 
political interests and affairs. The Commercial Depart- 
ment keeps in touch with the same agents on strictly 
commercial matters. To this department are sent the 
statistical, sanitary, and other reports received from the 
British consuls and agents in other countries. It is 
the link between the Foreign Office and the Board of 
Trade, to whom it communicates the varied reports 
it receives, thus bringing the information more directly 
within the reach of the British trader, for whose benefit 
largely it has been collected and classified. 
TheDiplo- From the permanent establishment of the office in 
Service Downing Street, the attention turns naturally to the 
agencies abroad, on which, to a very great extent, depend 
the success of British policy and the support of British 
interests among the conflicting and competitive claims 
of the nations of the world. The representative of His 
Britannic Majesty occupies a position of trust and 
responsibility that is exceptional even among the many 
responsible offices that find a place in the list of the public 
services. Not only is he the personal representative of the 
King, and so the guardian of all that pertains to the royal 


and national dignity in the eyes of a foreign people, but 
he is also the resident minister, who must faithfully inter- 
pret and put into action the orders transmitted to him 
by authorities at home. The cables may bring and do 
bring him the most voluminous ' instructions ' ; but 
reliance is placed in him to act on them with perfect 
confidence and address, and to preserve in so doing the 
spirit of what are often vague and variable counsels, 
born of perplexity in the official breast in London. Further, 
the diplomatic and consular services form the Intelligence 
Department of the Foreign Office, the eyes and ears of 
the State. They demand an Odyssean capacity for 
discovering the riddle of a foreign government's inten- 
tions and for reading rightly the face of events. The 
diplomatic eye must, where necessary, see through the 
most authoritative of denials. 

To state these requirements is to show at once that the Recruit- 
diplomatic service must be recruited from an exceptional j^ 11 ^,.? 1, 
class of men. The Entrance Examination demands a vices, 
high standard for success ; candidates are submitted to 
a very strict test in the knowledge of at least three foreign 
languages, in addition to a number of other subjects. 1 
A further requirement is the possession of independent 
means. Successful candidates enter on a period of two 
years' probation without pay before they receive a regular 
appointment in the service. Candidates for a post in 
the salaried consular service begin as a rule by way 
of a Far Eastern or Levant student interpretership. 2 
Student interpreters undergo a course of training in law 
and foreign languages before proceeding to their destina- 
tions abroad, and do not begin to draw a salary as assis- 
tants until they have passed the requisite examination 
before the University authorities. On their appointment 
as assistants, they receive a salary of £300 a year, and 
are distributed for service in the diplomatic missions and 
consulates. Success in two further examinations on the 
language and recent history of the country in which 
they have resided qualifies for promotion to the rank of 

1 See Foreign Office List. 2 Ibid. 


vice-consul, after which the individual may rise gradually, 
according to his merits, to the rank of consul-general. 
The or- The British embassies or missions abroad are arranged 

gamzation ^ n f our c i asses j n ^h e £ rs ^ c i ass are included the em- 

oi an 

bassies to the nine great Powers, the principal national 
representative being styled ' Ambassador Extraordinary 
and Plenipotentiary '. The second and third classes 
consist of missions accredited to the less important 
countries, where the official title of the chief of the 
mission is ' Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- 
potentiary ' or, in some cases in the third class, ' Minister 
Resident ' or, as in Abyssinia, Consul -General with local 
rank of Envoy Extraordinary. In Egypt, which needs 
more particular treatment later, Great Britain is repre- 
sented by an ' Agent and Consul -General '. A country 
where the chief diplomatic representative is only a Charge 
d'Affaires, with the rank of Councillor, comes under the 
fourth class. Some account of the organization of a first- 
class embassy is necessary to complete this brief outline 
of the Diplomatic Service. There are minor differences 
between one embassy and another in the organization 
and nature of the staff, but it is possible to set down 
a roughly accurate description for the present purpose. 
The head of the organization is, of course, the Ambassador. 
His second in command is the Councillor of the Embassy, 
who is assisted by a First Secretary and four or five 
Second and Third Secretaries. There are also one or more 
honorary Attaches, serving their term of probation. 
These form the purely diplomatic side of the staff. Other 
national interests are represented by the Commercial, 
the Naval, and Military Attaches. An Archivist has 
charge of the records of the embassy, and in the principal 
capitals a chaplain and a doctor are attached. 
The The Consular Corps consists of two divisions, the 

Service* sa l ar i e d and unsalaried, the latter being the more 
numerous. British commerce has found its way into 
almost every market in the world, and agencies for the 
protection of our trade and traders have, in consequence, 
been established in hundreds of towns throughout many 


countries. In some cases the importance of the interests 
involved has justified the appointment of a salaried 
consul or vice-consul, a British subject, selected by the 
Foreign Office ; but in others it has been found sufficient 
to appoint an official, often a foreigner, who receives no 
salary but a small fee or allowance for office expenses. 
On the consular agents falls not only the duty of protect- 
ing British subjects and trade, but also of furnishing 
reports on trade and information as to outbreaks of 
disease ; further, they may be called upon to undertake 
quasi-diplomatic work, when, as occasionally happens, 
some previously insignificant port or town becomes the 
centre -point of an international difference. At important 
centres of trade and travel a consul-general performs 
these duties, aided by one or more vice-consuls and 
a staff of clerks. Elsewhere consuls and vice-consuls, 
paid or unpaid, pro-consuls, and consular agents conduct 
the necessary business. Not the least part of this is 
concerned with legal transactions. A consul may have 
to deal with questions arising in connexion with ship- 
ping, as, for instance, the sale, mortgage, or registra- 
tion of a ship, marine protests, and the engagement or 
release of seamen. He possesses, according to his position 
in the service, either the authority to register lex loci 
marriages or a consular marriage warrant, which gives 
him full powers within the limits laid down by Act of 
Parliament and by certain Orders in Council. 

In countries such as China, Persia, and Turkey, where 
by treaty consular courts of law have been established 
with jurisdiction over British subjects, the administra- 
tion of justice is carried out by judges who are counted as 
members of the Consular Service and are appointed by 
the Secretary of State. Thus at Constantinople, in addi- 
tion to the ordinary consular officials, there are a British 
Judge and Assistant Judge, a Legal Dragoman (who is 
also a consul), and the necessary staff of a law court ; 
a jailer also figures in the list. The Consular Service as 
a whole has not the same glamour surrounding it as the 
Diplomatic Service. 


As must always be the case, when this aspect of the 
political and the commercial are compared, the latter 
suffers in the comparison. A great deal of exceedingly 
useful and very thankless work is performed by the 
consuls, and the valuable information as well as the 
protection afforded by them render great service to British 
trade. Furthermore, in countries where there is no 
ordinary political representative of the Government, the 
consul performs diplomatic functions as well. This is 
particularly the case where British control has asserted 
itself in a weakly governed country and a ' sphere of 
influence ' has been established. 
Spheres of The ' sphere of influence ' is a modern term for an ancient 
1 uence - practice. Speaking generally, it is of two kinds. It 
arises often in cases where a native state, adjoining 
a frontier of one of the Powers, is in a turbulent condition 
through lack of respect or recognition of the central 
authority on the part of the country districts. In such 
a case it becomes necessary for the Power interested to 
assist the central government and to make some attempt 
at rebuilding an orderly structure to replace ruins which 
may prove dangerous. A state in the condition described 
is a political and commercial danger to its neighbour. 
Lack of control means the possibility of raids and unrest 
on the frontier ; lawlessness means danger to the foreigner 
who enters the country for purposes of trade or travel. 
Thus the neighbouring government is doubly concerned 
to support the native government's influence or prestige 
and preserve its independence, whether against its turbu- 
lent countrymen or the advances of another Power. In 
the second place a ' sphere of influence ' — the phrase is 
here somewhat vague — may mean a region such as 
China, where, for instance, Britain, together with other 
Powers, claims certain exceptional commercial facilities. 
There treaties have been entered into with the Chinese 
Government to secure favoured treatment for British 
subjects within certain geographical limits, and the British 
Government, through its agents, must see that their 
interests are supported elsewhere in the general competi- 


tion among the subjects of other countries who are en- 
gaged in the commercial exploitation of virgin territory. 
Considerable responsibility thus devolves upon the resi- 
dent British consul. 

The status of Egypt might perhaps be described as Egypt and 
a variant from the usual type of ' sphere of influence ', the 
control in this case being more direct. The recent history 
of Egypt affords the clearest explanation of the position of 
affairs there. Egypt was, and nominally is, a province 
of the Ottoman Empire. Till 1841 it was ruled by a Vali, 
or Governor, but this office was in that year made heredi- 
tary in the person of Muhammad Ali, under the title of 
Khedive. Muhammad Ali had attempted to sever Egypt 
from Turkish sovereignty. This Lord Palmer ston would 
not tolerate, as it endangered British interests in the East, 
and the above compromise was arranged in consequence. 
The Crimean War, the overland route to India by Alexan- 
dria, and the completion of the Suez Canal in 1868 were 
all factors contributing to a growing interest of Britain 
in Eastern affairs, and in Egypt in particular. The 
Khedive Ismail (1863-79) finally provoked direct Euro- 
pean interference. Pecuniary embarrassment caused him 
to offer his interest in the Suez Canal to Britain. The 
chance was eagerly taken by Disraeli, and the shares were 
sold for £4,000,000, a fifth of their subsequent value. 
His reckless extravagance continued, and in 1879, when 
he had brought his country to the edge of bankruptcy, he 
abdicated in favour of his son Tewfik ; Britain and 
France combined to establish the ' Dual Control ' of 
Egypt and its finances. The new Khedive acquiesced in 
this arrangement, but in 1882 Arabi Pasha stirred up 
a military revolt and drove out the foreign ministers 
and advisers. France declined to intervene against him. 
A riot and massacre of Europeans in Alexandria, however, 
compelled British intervention, and Sir Garnet Wolseley, 
in a rapid campaign, reconquered the country. Mr. Glad- 
stone gave an undertaking to France and Turkey that 
the military occupation should only be temporary. A 
disastrous war next year in the Sudan rendered the fulfil- 


merit of this promise impossible. The Sudan provinces 
were abandoned after order had been restored on the 
Egyptian frontier. 
British Egypt is now nominally governed by the Khedive and 

control in fae Egyptian ministers under the suzerainty of the Sultan, 
though under the Capitulations ' a right to the administra- 
tion of their own civil and criminal law by their own 
Consuls is enjoyed by the subjects of about fifteen foreign 
states '} Britain is represented by an officer combining 
diplomatic and administrative functions, the ' British 
Agent, Consul-General, and Minister Plenipotentiary', who 
is assisted by the usual diplomatic staff. Each of the 
principal ministers has a British adviser, and the British 
Financial Adviser attends meetings of the Council of 
Ministers, but has no vote. The authority of these repre- 
sentatives is backed by the British Army of Occupation, 
which numbered over 6,000 men in 1912. The Egyptian 
army is also under the control of Britain, the Commander- 
in-Chief (Sirdar) being appointed by the Khedive ' with 
the consent of ' the British Government. There are also 
a number of Britons employed side by side with Egyptians 
in the Egyptian Civil Service. The tendency of the British 
Government is to admit Egyptians more and more to 
the control of Egyptian affairs. Egyptian ministers gain, 
year after year, an increasing independence of British 
advice in the exercise of their executive authority. In the 
Anglo-French Convention of 1904 it was agreed by 
the French Government that they would not ' obstruct 
the action of Britain in that country by asking that a 
limit of time be fixed for the British occupation or in any 
other manner ', while the British Government simul- 
taneously declared that ' they had no intention of altering 
the political status of Egypt'. 'It would seem', says 
Sir William Anson, ' that the relation of Egypt to this 
country is that of an ill-defined and temporary protec- 
torate.' 2 

1 Sir W. Anson, Law and Custom of the Constitution, 1908 ed., vol. ii, 
part 2, p. 95. 

2 Sir W. Anson, Law and Custom of the Constitution, vol, ii, part 2, p. 96. 


The status of the Sudan is much clearer. It was, as The 
has been seen, 1 abandoned after the war of 1883, and ceased Egyptian 
to form a part of the Sultan's dominions. Its subjugation Sudan. 
was carried out by Britain and Egypt jointly, and it is 
thus their possession by right of conquest. It is adminis- 
tered jointly by the two countries. A Governor-General is 
appointed by the Khedive, advised by the British Govern- 
ment. The Governor-General in Council has the power 
in Sudanese territory of issuing proclamations and decrees 
having the force of law. The provinces are under British 
governors and public affairs are administered by a Civil 
Service consisting chiefly of Englishmen. The Sudan 
does not fall under the jurisdiction of the Mixed Tribunals 
of Egypt, and has its own civil and criminal codes, based 
on those of India and Egypt. Till the British Govern- 
ment braced itself to intervene and make a final settlement 
the Sudan was a disorganized and turbulent no man's 
land. Its education, trade, and finance have improved 
rapidly since then, and the country shows a prospect of 
recovering some of its historical prosperity. 

Just as the Colonial Office has ceased to be a purely The do- 
administrative body 2 , issuing and carrying out the ' in- ^J 10118 
structions ' of the British Ministry, so the Foreign Office foreign 
has been affected by recognition of the dominions' right 
to some influence in questions of foreign policy which 
concern their national responsibilities directly or even 
indirectly, and by necessary concessions to their growing 
interest in foreign, that is to say, in European affairs. 
The resulting situation is in the nature of a compromise. 
It is impossible to define it with accuracy, because it is 
an arrangement that has grown out of actual practice 
and the needs of the moment. Certain definite steps have, 
however, been taken to develop the machinery of the 
Home Government to meet imperial needs in the region 
of foreign policy. Though the executive power remains 
vested in the Crown and the British Parliament, elected 
by the people of the United Kingdom, the tendency has 
been to allow considerable latitude to the dominions in 

1 p. 80. 2 See Chapter I. 

1321.6 G 


matters that directly concern them. Thus Canada has 
negotiated commercial treaties with France and other 
countries, and has placed her own restrictions and regula- 
tions on Oriental immigration. But, though Canada has 
taken this course, it has not been one of complete indepen- 
dence, her action having had the previous sanction of the 
British Government, and thus being equivalent to the 
measure of independence exercised at times by a Crown 
colony under a like supervision. A further step was 
marked by the establishment in 1909, under the Anglo- 
American Arbitration Treaty, of an International Joint 
Commission, composed of three members from the United 
States, Britain, and Canada, for the settlement of questions 
relating to the boundary waters that lie between Canada 
and her neighbour. This step, although an advance, was 
not a real departure from the old policy, since, technically 
at least, the Canadian representatives are appointed by the 
British Government, and the Commission is not itself 
competent to deal with matters that fall outside its own 
immediate sphere. Canada, again, has taken the course 
of appointing Trade Commissioners in various countries ; 
they have, however, no diplomatic authority. 

The imperial foreign policy is necessarily bound up with 
the problems of imperial defence. The dominions have 
a direct concern in these problems, which affect the national 
safety of every country in the Empire, and have expressed, 
in the very tangible form of contributions of ships to the 
Royal Navy, their willingness to share the expense and 
the responsibility of defence. This co-operation produced 
in its turn a readiness to admit the dominions to a greater 
share in the questions of imperial government generally. 

The result has been that the quadrennial Imperial Con- 
ference * acquired an improved status and its discussions 
a greater force and reality. At the Conference of 1911 
a resolution was carried which formally embodied as a 
point of imperial policy what had before that been a cus- 
tomary procedure. The resolution declared that * the 
dominions shall be afforded an opportunity for consulta- 

1 See Chapter I, pp. 50 seqq. 


tion when framing the instructions to be given to British 
delegates at future meetings of the Hague Conference, 
and that conventions affecting the dominions, provision- 
ally assented to at that Conference, shall be circulated 
among the dominion Governments for their consideration 
before any such convention is signed ', and that ' a similar 
procedure where time and opportunity and the subject 
matter permit, shall as far as possible be used when pre- 
paring instructions for the negotiation of other inter- 
national agreements affecting the Dominions '. 

The Committee of Imperial Defence is an institution The Com- 
which further illustrates in concrete form the progress of j^^ai 
co-ordination and co-operation in imperial affairs. It is Defence, 
not an organization under the Foreign Office, but it has 
a direct bearing on the position of the dominions in regard 
to foreign affairs and may properly be included here. 
The Committee was instituted by Mr. Balfour, when 
Prime Minister, in 1904. It has no place in the Constitu- 
tion, and it is an entirely informal body of varying 
membership. It is, in reality, a meeting called together 
by the Prime Minister for the time being to gather infor- 
mation and advice. Any one whose assistance is desirable 
may be invited to attend, and the dominions are at times 
asked to send representatives. The Committee's function 
is to consider questions of general strategy and the 
arrangement of the land and sea forces of the Empire. 
Sub-committees, appointed from time to time, investigate 
certain subjects in greater detail. Such an organization 
is invaluable, as it fills what was before a gap in the public 
service. (See further, p. 221.) 

It has always been open to the dominion peoples to The do- 
make use of the British diplomatic and consular services. ^The 
' In cases where Dominion or Colonial governments or diplo- 
the merchants and other private persons residing and consular 
doing business in their territories have business or services. 
interests which put them in frequent touch with a foreign 
country or with the commercial firms in such a country, 
those Governments, or persons, have always and will 
always, enter into direct communication with the imperial 



diplomatic and consular officers in that country, and the 
mysterious alchemy by which the requests of a dominion 
Government are transmuted in the laboratory of the 
Foreign Office into "instructions" has been, and will be, 
discarded.' * This development of the existing machinery 
will strengthen the diplomatic and, particularly, the 
consular services on their imperial side. While both 
services must ultimately be working for the advantage 
of the Empire-state, the view of the dominions has in the 
past been, and to some extent still is, that ' diplomatic 
relations ' are an amiable weakness of Britain as a Euro- 
pean Power, and a luxury to be classed with gold lace and 
ornate ceremonies as interesting survivals in the older 
and narrower civilization of Europe. The Embassy at 
Washington and the consular agencies throughout 
America, as is natural from the important Canadian in- 
terests in that country, furnish the most important instance 
of the way in which such organizations have assumed 
wider and more direct imperial responsibilities. Lord 
Bryce has stated that at least two-thirds of the business 
at the Washington Embassy is transacted on behalf of 
Canada, and instructions are received by the Embassy 
from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the 
Governor-General of Canada, and the Governor of New- 
foundland. It is probable that the British consuls 
throughout America are in like manner representative of 
Canadian and Newfoundland interests. 
The Thus at the beginning of the twentieth century Britain 

British does not claim or exercise the same absolute control of 

Empire as 

a single relations with foreign Powers in all parts of the globe as 
ower * was the case in the early half of the nineteenth century. 
The ' colonies ' and ' dependencies ' of that period have 
become the ' dominions ' of this, and there has been a 
corresponding, if vague and indefinite, increase of partici- 
pation by the latter in imperial affairs and policy. Con- 
versely, the Britannic Empire remains for diplomatic 
purposes a single State, and the Imperial Government 
retains the power to control the action of a dominion 

1 Article on ' Downing Street ', The Round Table, No. 12, September 1913. 


where such action conflicts with the interests or policy of 
the Empire as a whole. This power was exercised in 
1911, in the case of the Shipping Act passed by the New 
Zealand parliament, which would have caused a conflict 
between the regulations of the Act and imperial require- 
ments. In this power lies the guarantee of unity that 
enables the Powers to treat with the Foreign Office as the 
dependable representative of the whole Empire ; it is the 
safeguard of the loyal observance of agreements entered 
into by the British Ministry, acting for the dominions 
as well. In point of fact the central control thus exercised 
is not questioned as regards the bulk of the business of 
foreign policy. That policy is left by the other Britannic 
governments as a matter to be cared for chiefly by the 
Home Government, and there is no disposition to doubt 
its authority in dealing with problems of alliances, en- 
tentes, and international groupings which may affect the 
' balance of power ' and modify weltpolitik markedly, 
but must be the subject continuously of complex and 
delicate transactions and negotiations at the pivotal 
point, in Europe. 

The responsibility for the foreign policy of Britain, and The 
so of the British Empire, is thus mainly entrusted to the Kingdom 
Foreign Secretary in London, who in his turn is controlled and . 
by the British Parliament, which is directly responsible policy. 
to the people of the United Kingdom. But within certain 
wide limits, the Foreign Secretary has a large amount 
of executive authority in his own hands. 

The electorate of course retains the final control, by 
its power to overturn a Ministry of whose foreign policy it 
does not approve. It realizes, however, the all-important 
necessity for secrecy and for independent action by the 
Cabinet, if British diplomacy is to be successful, and is 
content to pass verdict only on the broadest questions of 
policy. Undeniably, a not inconsiderable section of the 
public, represented by the more advanced democrats in 
the House of Commons, views this tendency with impa- 
tience and distrust ; but, unless some unusually severe 
crisis puts too much strain on the confidence of the people 


in its ministers, the latter are left the largest measure of 
discretion in acting on the policy authorized by a previous 
General Election. It is realized that a pertinent question 
asked in either House with regard to the Government's 
action or intentions in respect of an international incident 
is sufficiently met by the reply, that the interests of the 
nation compel secrecy for the moment and render it 
necessary to postpone a discussion of the topic in Parlia- 
ment. Constitutionally such a discussion may be, and 
often is, raised when the House of Commons meets to 
consider the Foreign Office vote, but, unless the fall of 
the Ministry be actually involved, clearly less importance 
attaches to a post factum debate of this kind than to one 
which takes place while the long and delicate procedure 
of diplomacy is actually in train to achieve a certain 
result. As a rule, the Secretary of State is content to 
assure the House that he will lay the facts before it at the 
earliest opportunity which may be expedient. 
The On matters so gravely affecting the country's destiny, no 

Secretary Foreign Secretary could, if he would, dispense with the 
and the advice of his colleagues. Furthermore the proceedings at 

Cabinet. . ° r , ° 

Cabinet meetings are confidential, and there is thus no 
bar to the discussion of questions which must in wisdom 
be withheld from a wider audience. Probably the Foreign 
Office claims more of the Cabinet's time than any other 
public service. Again, the Sovereign must be kept in- 
formed, and must be asked to approve of every important 
step that the Foreign Secretary takes in virtue of his 
executive power. Important dispatches must be sub- 
mitted to the Sovereign, to the Prime Minister, and even 
to the consideration of a Cabinet meeting before they are 
sent off. 'In fact,' says Professor Lowell, 'there is prob- 
ably no department where the executive action of the 
minister is so constantly brought to the notice of his col- 
leagues,' * and, we might add, of his Sovereign. For the 
royal influence in this department of the State is tra- 
ditionally of a very special nature. 

1 A. L. Lowell, The Government of England, 1908 ed., p. 88. 


By Arthur Page 

An obvious and incontrovertible argument in favour The 
of retaining the Monarchy as an integral part of the l^ e ' 
Constitution is provided by the relation in which the of th ^ 
Crown stands to the British dominions and dependencies 
beyond the seas. It will be found, upon examination, 
that the sources of imperial patriotism can be traced in 
every instance to a feeling of loyalty to the person of 
the King. 

1 The crimson thread of kinship runs through us all,' 
as Sir Henry Parkes pointed out in ever memorable 
words, but Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, with equal truth, 
remarked during the progress of the Commonwealth of 
Australia Bill through the House of Commons, ' the links 
between us and them at the present time are very slender. 
Almost a touch may snap them.' If once the knowledge 
that the dominions and Great Britain are bound 
together as fellow subjects of the Crown had to be 
regarded as a thing of the past, and it was no longer 
possible for them to owe allegiance to the Crown, without 
doubt the sun of the British Empire would be sinking. 

It is only by appreciating that the problems of empire 
centre round the person of the King that it becomes 
possible to arrive at a proper understanding of their 
nature and import. It is only when this fundamental 
fact is grasped that the difficulties with which imperial 
questions are hedged about become capable of being 

In none of the problems of empire which loom so big 
upon the political horizon to-day does the Crown figure 
more prominently than in those connected with the 
relationship of the Courts in the several dominions and 


dependencies of the Empire to the Judicial Committee 
of the Privy Council which acts as the final tribunal of 
appeal for all the British dominions outside the realm. 
Moreover, these problems have become more urgent and 
more difficult to solve in recent years, by reason of the 
amazing rapidity with which many of the outlying 
dominions are developing. 
Imperial The legal problems of the Empire were comparatively 
tion a " ^ ew m numDer an d simple in character so long as the 
administration of the colonies and dependencies of the 
Crown was in the hands of officials of the United Kingdom 
at Westminster. But no one can exaggerate the impor- 
tance of the changes which have taken place in the struc- 
ture of the British Empire by reason of the passing into 
law of the British North America Act, 1867, the Common- 
wealth Act of 1900, and the South Africa Act of 1909. 

This fascinating subject is more properly dealt with in 
greater detail in other parts of this work, but the growth 
of self-government within the different parts of the 
Empire has been so intimately bound up with the develop- 
ment of legal institutions and the status of legal tribunals 
in the dominions, that in any attempt to state what are 
the legal problems of the Empire at the present time, it 
cannot be passed by wholly without comment. 

The obvious effect of this imperial legislation was to 
weld together in one confederation the different states 
of the several provinces which before had been, to all 
intents and purposes, independent of each other. But, 
as the Hon. B. R. Wise has recently pointed out in his 
brilliant work on the Making of the Australian Common- 
wealth (1889-1900), the goal of confederation was only 
reached after prolonged negotiations, and in some cases 
was accompanied by bitter controversies between the 
states and the leaders of the rival parties. If the welding 
of the Commonwealth of Australia produced so much 
friction and disputing, the even greater difficulties, racial 
and others, which had to be overcome before the British 
North America Act, 1867, became a living reality — and 
the same or similar obstacles had to be met in South 


Africa before union was accomplished — must inevitably 
have left their mark upon the peoples who were thus 
brought together as members of a great and new com- 
munity. What happened in fact was that, whereas before 
the union Canadians, Australians, and South Africans 
were linked by a common allegiance to the Crown, and 
in many cases also by family and domestic ties with their 
fellow subjects in Britain, after the formation of the 
union they instinctively became aware that they were 
members of a great local community, and developed 
a new and inspiring local patriotism. They were no 
longer the children but the sisters of the mother country, 
claiming the right to manage their own local affairs 
without interference from Downing Street, and to par- 
ticipate in the deliberations which were to determine 
the conduct of the common affairs of the Empire of 
which they were all members and fellow citizens, entitled 
to equal rights and privileges. 

That they have practically achieved the right to manage Self- 
their own local affairs is now admitted on all sides. At ^n™ 
the Imperial Conference of 1911, Mr. Asquith, the Prime 
Minister of Great Britain, said, ' Whether in the United 
Kingdom or in any one of the great countries which you 
represent, we each of us are, and we intend to remain, 
master in our own household. This is here at home, and 
throughout the dominions, the life-blood of our polity. 
It is the articulus stantis aut cadentis Imperii.' In 
theory, no doubt, the local legislation of the self-governing 
dominions is subject to the overriding authority of the 
Parliament of the United Kingdom, but in practice, 
each of the British dominions which has been endowed 
with the right of self-government by representative 
assemblies is independent of administrative and legis- 
lative interference by the authorities in England. The 
Crown to-day remains as the only practical link between 
the mother country and the great dominions beyond 
the seas. The Crown does provide a very real tie in 
two ways, the one administrative, the other judicial. 
The King, through his governor, is a necessary party to 


all valid legislation, whether within or without the realm. 
Whatever may be the position of the King within the 
realm in practice, there is no doubt that the power 
which the Crown possesses of vetoing colonial legislation 
is a very real operative instrument of government. It 
is sufficient for the purpose in hand to state that the 
relation of the Crown, acting through colonial governors, 
to the representative assemblies of the several dominions 
which have no effective control over the appointment of 
governors is one of considerable delicacy, which will 
require careful handling in the future. 
The It is, however, the relation of the King to the Courts 

ancUelf- °^ ^ ne severa l dominions and dependencies beyond the 
governing seas that is more properly germane to the purpose of 
ions. this article. What effect will the development of the 
resources and potentialities of the British dominions 
have upon the relation of the Crown to the dominions in 
its judicial capacity ? If the self-governing dominions 
are justified in asserting their right to control their own 
legislative and administrative activities without inter- 
ference from Downing Street, are they not justified also 
in claiming that Canadian, Australian, and South African 
legal disputes shall be determined finally by dominion 
tribunals, without any further appeal to the Crown in 
Council ? Nevertheless, as a Canadian statesman, the 
Hon. George Foster, M.P., pointed out on January 10, 
1910, ' We cannot have absolute autonomy and remain 
in the Empire.' 

Before attempting to state the trend of political 
opinion on this important question in the dominions, it 
is necessary, perhaps, that some account should be given 
of the manner in which the Crown has grown to be the 
final Court of Appeal for all His Majesty's subjects out- 
side the realm. It is a most interesting investigation, 
but within the compass of this chapter it is only possible 
to give in outline the main stages in the history of the 
Early Crown in relation to the Courts. 

history of j n ^he beginnings of English history, it is not easy to 
Council, trace the origin of the Privy Council. The source of the 


judicial authority of the Crown acting upon the advice 
of the Privy Council is unknown — it is shrouded in the 
mists of antiquity. It is beyond question, however, that 
the King, from earliest times, dispensed justice in his own 
person. It was only natural that he should do so. He 
was the Lord Paramount of the Realm. He was the 
father of his people. To him all the people looked for 
the administration of the affairs of the realm. Just as 
the people turned to the King as the final administrator 
of public business, so they came to him from the earliest 
periods of English history as the final court to which to 
appeal in their private disputes. No doubt the King 
would find himself from time to time called upon to 
solve knotty points of law, and it was only natural, as 
in fact happened, that the King at such times should turn 
for advice and suggestions to the great nobles who 
surrounded his person. These magnates formed the 
Council of the King. The functions of the King's Council 
and the Parliament were at first inextricably mixed up. 
' Habet rex curiam suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis 
suis ubi terminatae sunt dubitationes iudiciorum.' 

By the reign of Richard II, however, the King's Council Appeals 
and Parliament became differentiated both in function ment and 
and personnel, and from that time onwards appeals from to the 
within the realm and appeals from without the realm Council. 
came to be heard by different tribunals. ' Appeals 
within the realm from this time onward were heard in 
Parliament — that is, by the nobles assisted by the judges 
— and not by the King in Council. It is no doubt true 
that the King's Council did in fact exercise various 
judicial functions within the realm for nearly three cen- 
turies afterwards, as can be seen, e. g., in the operations 
of the Privy Council in the Star Chamber, a court set 
up by Henry VII. But its jurisdiction occasioned great 
dissatisfaction, and in 1641 the Long Parliament not only 
abolished the Star Chamber (16 Car. I. c. 10), but once 
and for all put an end to the system by enacting that 
neither the King nor the Privy Council should have 
jurisdiction over any man's estate, and that the same 




House of 
Lords as 
Court of 

ought to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts 
of Justice.' 

The writs of the Common Law Courts, of course, did 
not run outside the realm, and from the reign of Charles I 
appeals in civil matters within the realm were in practice 
taken to the Court of Exchequer Chamber, established 
by 27 Eliz. c. 8, with a further appeal to the High Court 
of Parliament — that is, the nobles assisted by the judges. 
The Act 16 Car. I, c. 10, however, did not in any way 
affect the right of the King to hear petitions of appeal 
from dependencies of the Crown beyond the seas, and 
appeals from without the realm have continued from 
the earliest times to be heard by the King acting upon 
the advice of the Privy Council. 

The jurisdiction of the House of Lords as the Final 
Court of Appeal within the realm was gained at a period 
in history when the presence of the Commons in Parlia- 
ment was regarded as something like an anomaly. In 
Rot. Pari. 50 Edward III, No. 48, the opinion of the 
judges as to common law appeals is entered to the effect 
that when error occurred in the King's Bench it should 
be amended in Parliament — that is, by the King in Council 
in Parliament. It was urged that the Council was ex- 
cluded, for the Council was not Parliament, and that the 
Commons were excluded, for they were not the Council. 
Whether the view taken was sound or not, the Commons 
acquiesced in the opinion which was generally held, and 
in 1 Hen. IV (1399) the Commons protested that they 
were not judges. The appellate jurisdiction of the House 
of Lords in cases arising in the Courts of Chancery grew 
more slowly, but except in 1675, when the House of 
Commons unsuccessfully asserted the right in the case of 
Shirley v. Fagg, the Commons have never claimed to 
share with the Lords the judicial functions of the High 
Court of Parliament, and the jurisdiction of the House 
of Lords as the final Court of Error has since that date 
never been questioned. Appeals to the House of Lords 
were heard by all the Peers of Parliament, assisted by 
the judges. 


The personnel of the House of Lords in its judicial 
capacity, however, gave little satisfaction, and Sir Richard 
Bethel in 1855, when Solicitor-General, gave it as his 
opinion that the House of Lords was ' inferior to the 
lowest tribunal in what ought to be the accompaniments 
of a Court of Justice '. 

By the Judicature Act, 1873 (36 & 37 Vic. c. 66), the 
judicial authorities within the realm were reconstituted, 
and the ' Supreme Court of Judicature ', consisting of 
a Court of Appeal and a High Court of Justice, took the 
place of the older judicial bodies, the High Court of 
Chancery and the old Common Law Courts being merged 
in the High Court of Justice. 

The House of Lords, as an appellate tribunal, was then Recon- 
reconstituted by the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 1876-.jj?gjjj|jj 
(39 & 40 Vic. c. 59). By section 3 : of Lords 

as Final 

1 An appeal shall lie to the House of Lords from any Court of 
order or judgement of any of the Courts following, that fo p Pea 

is to say : Britain, 

' 1. Of Her Majesty's Court of Appeal ; and 1893- 

' 2. Of any Court in Scotland from which error or an 1913, 
appeal at or immediately before the commencement of 
this Act lay to the House of Lords by Common Law or 
by Statute ; and 

'3. Of any Court in Ireland from which error or an 
appeal at or immediately before the commencement of 
this Act lay to the House of Lords by Common Law or 
by Statute.' 

By section 4 : 

' Every appeal shall be brought by way of petition to 
the House of Lords, praying that the matter of the order 
or judgement appealed against may be reviewed before 
Her Majesty the Queen in her Court of Parliament.' 

By section 5 : 

' An appeal shall not be heard and determined by the 
House of Lords unless there are present at such hearing 
and determination not less than three of the following 
persons in this Act designated Lords of Appeal, that is 
to say : 

1 1. The Lord Chancellor of Great Britain for the time 
being ; and 


' 2. The Lords of Appeal in Ordinary (now six in 
number under the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 1913) ; 

' 3. Such Peers of Parliament as are for the time being 
holding or have held any of the offices in this Act described 
as high judicial offices.' 

By section 5 of the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 1887 
(50 & 51 Vic. c. 70), ' high judicial office ' is to be deemed 
to include the office of a Lord of Appeal in Ordinary and 
the office of a member of the Judicial Committee of the 
Privy Council. 

By section 25 of the Act of 1876, ' high judicial office ' 
includes the office of Lord Chancellor of Great Britain 
or Ireland, or of a paid Judge of the Judicial Committee, 
or of a Judge of the Court of Appeal or of the High 
Court of Justice in England, or of the old Courts of 
Common Law or Equity, or of the Superior Courts of 
Law or Equity at Dublin, or of the Court of Session in 

Lay peers are not excluded from sitting on and deter- 
mining appeals in the House of Lords, but by custom 
they do not do so, and since the year 1883 when Lord 
Denman, a lay peer, expressed his opinion on an appeal 
in the House of Lords, no instance has been known of 
a lay peer exercising what in theory, at any rate, is still 
his constitutional right and privilege of sitting on and 
voting in respect of appeals in the House of Lords. 
Right of O n the other hand, the right of all British subjects 
British without the realm to petition the Kino: in Council has 

subjects *■ 

outside always continued from the times of the Norman Con- 

f P r pe a r° 1* est - 

to the At first the dominions of the Crown beyond the seas 

CouncU. were sma ll an( l f ew i n number (always excepting the 
claim of the King of England to sovereignty over France). 
The dependencies of the Crown outside the United King- 
dom, however, gradually grew in extent and number, 
and became known as the Plantations. The most impor- 
tant of the earlier settlements were those in North 
America. The settlements were effected by charters and 
commissions granted by the King. Until the reign of 


Charles II the theory obtained that the plantations or 
the dependencies beyond the seas were the demesnes of 
the King in his foreign dominion. After the Restoration 
the plantations were no longer considered to be the 
demesnes of the King, but were treated as part of the 
territories or dominions of England. 

The government of the plantations, and subsequently 
of the colonies and dependencies, from the earliest times 
up till the present day has been ordered and controlled 
by the Crown in Council, subject, of course, to statutes 
passed by the British Parliament. The system under 
which they are administered was modelled upon that 
which had been adapted from Norman times in the case 
of the Duchies of Gascoigne and Normandy. 

After the Norman Conquest the Channel Islands were Channel 
held by the King of England as part of the Duchy of san s * 
Normandy. Appeals on matters of law, therefore, were 
brought from the Channel Islands to the King in Council, 
as previously they had been brought from the Courts of 
Normandy to the Duke. The Channel islanders were 
very jealous of their right of appeal to the King in Council, 
and as early as 1331 a question was raised before the 
King's Bench at Westminster as to whether the 
determination of disputes in the islands should be by 
the Courts of Jersey or Guernsey, with an appeal on 
matters of law to the King in Council. In 1495, by an 
Order in Council of Henry VII, it was finally settled 
that henceforth no appeal from the Channel Islands 
should be to any court in England, but only au Boy et 

It was probably in connexion with the islands of 
Jersey and Guernsey that the King in Council first 
exercised the right of reviewing decisions of judicial 
tribunals in the British dependencies beyond the seas. 

In 1580 complaints were received from Guernsey 
relating to the restrictions which it was alleged had 
been laid upon appeals from that island, and in reply an 
Order in Council was drawn up and issued, which set out 
for the first time rules for regulating the procedure for 


appealing from the Channel Islands. In 1605 a further 
Order in Council was passed which fixed the appealable 
value, and these two Orders in Council form the basis 
under which provisions have been made from time to 
time for regulating appeals from the dominions and 
dependencies beyond the seas to the King in Council. 
The At first the appeals were heard before a Committee 

of the Privy Council appointed ad hoc as appeals were 
lodged ; in 1632 the first Committee of the Privy Council 
for the Plantations was appointed under the title of the 
Committee on the New England Plantations. It was 
reappointed in 1833, and comprised at that date the 
Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Lord Keeper, 
the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Privy Seal, the Earl Marshal, 
the Earl of Dorset, Lord Cottington, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. 
Comptroller, Mr. Secretary Coke, and Mr. Secretary 

In 1660 a committee was appointed to sit twice a week 
to hear petitions, &c, concerning the plantations, and 
from 1675 to 1782 the administration of the plantations 
was carried on by the Lords of the Committee for Trade 
and Plantations. In 1696 a standing committee known 
as the Lords of Committee for Hearing Appeals was 
appointed. By Order in Council of December 10, 1696, 
three of their lordships were to form a quorum, and the 
committee was directed to report the decision at which 
it had arrived to His Majesty in Council. It was, 
however, the whole committee which in theory continued 
to be the tribunal before whom all appeals from without 
the realm continued to be heard until the establish- 
ment of the Judicial Committee in 1833. After a deter- 
mination had been arrived at, the committee reported 
its decision to the King, and the report contained the 
advice upon which the King finally disposed of the appeal. 
The form of the present tribunal was substantially 
Powers settled by statutes passed in 1833, 1843, and 1844. 
byVdtish By 3 & 4 William IV, c. 41, section 1, ' The Judicial 
men^on Committee of the Privy Council ' was formed. It had 
the been decided in the case of Fryer v. Bernard (2 P. Wms. 


262) many years before, that appeals from the plantations Judicial 
lay only to the King in Council, and the preamble of „2{J~ e of 
the Statute of 1833 recited the Statute 25 Hen. VIII, the Privy 
c. 19, intituled ' The Submission of the Clergy and i 833-43- 
Restraint of Appeals ', and the Statute 2 & 3 William IV, 44 - 
c. 92, by which the power of the High Court of Delegates 
had been transferred to His Majesty in Council. By 
these enactments the Privy Council had become the final 
Court of Appeal in ecclesiastical causes. 
By section 3 of the Act of 1833 : 

1 All appeals or complaints in the nature of appeals, 
whatever, which either by virtue of this Act, or of any 
law, statute, or custom, may be brought before His 
Majesty or His Majesty in Council from or in respect of 
the determination, sentence, rule, or order of any court, 
judge, or judicial officer, and all such appeals as are now 
pending and unheard, shall from and after the passing 
of this Act be referred by His Majesty to the said Judicial 
Committee of his Privy Council, and that such appeals, 
causes, and matters shall be heard by the said Judicial 
Committee, and a report or recommendation thereon 
shall be made to His Majesty in Council for his decision 
thereon, as heretofore, in the same manner and form as 
has been heretofore the custom with respect to matters 
referred by His Majesty to the whole of the Privy Council 
or a committee thereof (the nature of such report or 
recommendation being always stated in open court).' 

By section 4 of the Act : 

' It shall be lawful for His Majesty to refer to the 
said Judicial Committee for hearing or consideration any 
such other matters whatsoever as His Majesty shall think 
fit, and such committee shall thereupon hear or consider 
the same, and advise His Majesty thereon in manner 

By Order in Council, dated February 20, 1627, clause 9, 
the Lords of Committee are not to disclose the opinions 
of the members of the Board. 

The Act of 1833 also contained further provisions 
relating to the procedure for appealing, and settled the 
personnel of the tribunal. It is proposed to describe the 
composition of the tribunal with the amendments which 

1321-6 H 


have been made to its constitution in their entirety at 
a later stage. At present it is proposed to refer only to the 
jurisdiction of the Judicial Committee. 

By the Act of 1843 (6 & 7 Vic. c. 38) further powers, 
relating for the most part to ecclesiastical appeals, were 
conferred upon the Judicial Committee. 

By the Act of 1844 (7 & 8 Vic. c. 69), greatly increased 
jurisdiction was vested in the Judicial Committee. 

Under the Act of 1833 the Judicial Committee enter- 
tained appeals only from the Courts of Final Resort in 
the colonies and dependencies, and it was at that time 
considered to be advisable to extend the jurisdiction of 
the Judicial Committee so as to entitle the Judicial 
Committee to hear appeals from Courts outside the realm, 
even although such courts were not Courts of Final 

By section 1 of the Act of 1844, it was accordingly 
enacted : 

' That it shall be competent to Her Majesty, by any 
order or orders to be from time to time for that purpose 
made with the advice of her Privy Council, to provide 
for the admission of any appeal or appeals to Her Majesty 
in Council, from any judgements, sentences, decrees, or 
orders of any Court of Justice within any British Colony 
or possession abroad, although such court shall not be 
a Court of Error or a Court of Appeal within such colony 
or possession : and it shall also be competent to Her 
Majesty by any such order or orders as aforesaid, to 
make all such provisions as to Her Majesty in Council 
shall seem meet for the instituting and presenting any 
such appeals, and for carrying into effect any such 
decisions or sentences as Her Majesty in Council shall 
pronounce thereon : Provided always that it shall be 
competent to Her Majesty in Council to revoke, alter, and 
amend any such order or orders as aforesaid as to Her 
Majesty in Council shall seem meet : . . . Provided also, 
that nothing herein contained shall be construed to 
extend to take away or diminish any power now by law 
vested in Her Majesty for regulating appeals to Her 
Majesty in Council from the judgements, sentences, 
decrees, or orders of any Courts of Justice within any 
of Her Majesty's Colonies or possessions abroad.' 


The jurisdiction of the Judicial Committee has been Recent 
in recent years further extended to meet the require- si^of 
ments of political development. For example, in 1906, juris- 
by an Act passed by the Canadian Dominion Parliament f judi- 
it became entitled to entertain appeals from the Supreme ci ?L9? m ' 
Court of Canada on constitutional matters referred to 
the Supreme Court by the Governor-General in Council, 
while the Home Rule Bill brought before the Imperial 
Parliament in 1912-14 contained provisions whereby the 
Judicial Committee was to be the final Court of Appeal 
from the Irish Courts, and the persona designata to 
determine the constitutionality of the Acts of the Irish 
Parliament set up by the Bill. In this manner the Judicial 
Committee in effect is the final Court of Appeal for more 
than a fifth of the habitable world. No Court has ever 
before existed with such wide and august authority. 

' Go into the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ', 
writes Mr. Nesbitt, K.C., a distinguished Canadian, ' for 
a single week, and watch its operations. You will see it 
decide on one day a question according to French law 
as it prevailed before the Revolution, modified by sub- 
sequent Canadian statutes ; and on another day, accord- 
ing to the Common Law of England as modified by 
Australian or New Zealand law. The truth of these 
observations may be understood by perusing a list of the 
different territories from which appeals may be taken to 
this Court. The number is upwards of 150. If Europe 
is taken as an example, appeals lie from six different 
Principalities, and the laws administered range from the 
ancient customs of the Isle of Man to those in force in 
the Island of Cyprus. Other interesting examples may 
be given in the Leeward Islands, composed of Montserrat, 
St. Kitts, and Nevis, where it administers the Common 
Law introduced by Royal Proclamations in 1764, and 
Newfoundland, which is our oldest Colony. In Asia, 
besides India, appeals lie from the Courts of twenty-four 
Principalities, differing from the Bombay High Court to 
the Consular Court of China and Korea.' 

Such is the jurisdiction of this great tribunal, which 

H 2 


from the time of its creation has been presided over by 
the greatest British jurists, among whom may be men- 
tioned the names of Mansfield, Grant, Kingsdown, Cairns, 
Selborne, Halsbury, Watson, and Macnaghten. 
Com- The composition of the Judicial Committee is a matter 

ofThe 011 which raises urgent and interesting questions of imperial 
Judicial policy. In the days, now long since passed by, when the 
mittee. administration of the colonies and dependencies of the 
Crown was controlled by the Lords of the Committee for 
Trade and Plantations, appeals were not, of course, 
nearly so many in number as they are to-day. The 
questions which came over to the mother country for 
determination were for the most part questions as to the 
limitations of charters and the territories thereby settled. 
But with the increase and expansion of the colonies and 
dependencies, different and complicated questions of law 
arose in addition to the matters of disputed boundaries 
and other kindred problems. 

It therefore became more and more necessary that the 
questions of law which were brought up for decisions 
should be determined by lawyers of trained and wide 

By the Act of 1833 (3 & 4 Will. IV, c. 41), the 
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council was composed 
of the President of the Council, the Lord Chancellor, 
and such members of the Privy Council as from time to 
time held the office of Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of 
Great Britain, of the Lord Chief Justice, of a Judge of 
the King's Bench, of the Lord Chief Baron or of a Baron 
of the Exchequer, of the Lord Chief Justice or Judge of 
the Common Pleas, of the Master of the Rolls, of Vice- 
Chancellor of England, of Judge of the Prerogative Court 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, of Judge of the High 
Court of Admiralty, and of Chief Judge of the Court of 
Bankruptcy, together with all previous occupants of 
these offices during their lifetime. 

With the reconstitution of the judicial tribunals in 
1873, and the transference of certain functions of the 
Judicial Committee to other bodies, changes became 


inevitable in the personnel of the Judicial Committee. 
In 1871, by the Statute 34 & 35 Vic. c. 91, power was 
given to appoint four persons to be paid members of the 

A change of great importance took place under the 
provisions of the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 1876. By 
section 6 it was provided, inter alia, that ' A Lord of 
Appeal in Ordinary shall, if a Privy Councillor, be a mem- 
ber of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and 
subject to the due performance by a Lord of Appeal in 
Ordinary of his duties as to the hearing and determina- 
tion of appeals in the House of Lords, it shall be his 
duty, being a Privy Councillor, to sit and act as a member 
of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.' 

The effect of this enactment was to assimilate to a very 
large extent the personnel of the House of Lords and of 
the Privy Council for the purpose of exercising appellate 

By the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 1913 (3 & 4 George V, Present 
c. 21), the number of the Lords of Appeal in Ordinary j^jToftfu 
was increased to six. The members of the Judicial Com- Com- 
mittee, who are drawn from officials in the United King- 
dom, at present consist of the Lord Chancellor of Great 
Britain, the six Lords of Appeal in Ordinary, the Lords 
Justices of Appeal (added by statute in 1881), the Presi- 
dent of the Council, the Master of the Rolls, the Lord 
Chief Justice of Ireland, the Justices of the High Court 
of Judicature of Ireland, the Lord President, and the 
other Judges of the Court of Session in Scotland, and 
previous occupants of those offices, provided always 
that the official in question is a member of the Privy 

In ecclesiastical appeals, provision was made in the 
Statute of 1876 for the attendance of the Archbishops of 
Canterbury and York and certain other bishops to be 
appointed by Order in Council, as assessors of the Judicial 

The appellate jurisdiction of the Judicial Committee 
is for the most part exercised in connexion with appeals 


from the dependencies and the British dominions beyond 

the seas. 

Question In the course of the development of the overseas 

represen- dominions, Supreme Courts have been created, which 

tation of possess the highest dignity and are of very great impor- 

domin- tance. No doubt, in years long since gone by, the judges 

i( ? ns on who administered justice in the overseas dependencies 

mittee. and colonies were not of the highest judicial calibre. 

But at the present time this can no longer be stated with 

truth. Nevertheless, the overseas dominions possess no 

salaried representatives upon the Judicial Committee. It 

is true that by section 30 of the Act of 1833 ' two members 

of His Majesty's Privy Council who shall have held 

the office of Judge in the East Indies or any of 

His Majesty's Dominions beyond the Seas, and who, 

being appointed for that purpose by His Majesty shall 

attend the sittings of the Judicial Committee, shall 

severally be entitled to receive over and above any 

annuity granted to them in respect of having held such 

office as aforesaid, the sum of four hundred pounds for 

every year during which they shall attend as aforesaid, 

as an indemnity for the expense which they may thereby 

incur ' ; but in practice judges from India have always 

been appointed, and although the persons so appointed 

are members of the Judicial Committee for all purposes, 

in practice such members only sit for the purpose of 

hearing appeals from India. 

As has been already pointed out in the earlier part of this 
chapter, a problem, which in the course of the evolution 
of the British Empire is becoming more and more urgent, 
is whether in the future the self-governing dominions 
of the British Empire will consent to allow appeals to be 
brought from the final Courts of the Dominions to the 
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, on the Board 
of which they possess no salaried or permanent member, 
and over whose appointment they exercise no control. 

During the last twenty years, steps have been taken 
to remedy this obvious and growing grievance which is 
felt by the overseas dominions. Statutes have been 


passed in 1895, 1908, and 1913, under the provisions of 
which representatives of the dominions have found seats 
upon the Board of the Judicial Committee. 

By the Judicial Committee Amendment Act, 1895 Amending 
(58 & 59 Vic. c. 44), it is provided that : fg^ of 

1 1. If any person being or having been Chief Justice 
or a Judge of the Supreme Court of the Dominion of 
Canada, of any of the Australasian Colonies mentioned in 
the schedule to this Act or of either of the South African 
Colonies mentioned in the said schedule, or of any other 
Superior Court in Her Majesty's Dominions, named in 
that behalf by Her Majesty in Council, is a member of 
Her Majesty's Privy Council, he shall be a member of 
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. 

1 2. The number of persons being members of the 
Judicial Committee by reason of this Act shall not exceed 
five at any one time.' 

By the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 1908 (8 Edward VII, 1908, 
c. 51), it is further provided : 

'I. 1. For the purpose of the hearing of any appeal 
to His Majesty in Council from any Court in a British 
possession, His Majesty may, if he thinks fit, authorize 
any person who is or has been a judge of the Court from 
which the appeal is made, or a judge of a Court to which 
an appeal lies from the Court from which the appeal is 
made, and whose services are for the time being available, 
to attend as an assessor of the Judicial Committee on 
the hearing of the appeal. 

' This section applies to British India, the Dominion 
of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion 
of New Zealand, the Colonies now united by the Union of 
South Africa, and Newfoundland. 

1 2. If any person, having been Chief Justice or Judge 
of any High Court in British India (or of the High Court 
of Bengal, Madras, Bombay, or the North- Western 
Provinces), is a member of the Privy Council, he may be 
appointed a member of the Judicial Committee. Not 
more than two persons shall be members of the Committee 
at one time by virtue of this section. 

By the Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 1913 (3 & 4 George V, 1913. 
c. 21), it is enacted that : 

1 III. 1. The maximum number of persons (being, or 
having been judges in certain parts of His Majesty's 


Dominions) who may become members of the Judicial 
Committee of the Privy Council by reason of the Judicial 
Committee Amendment Act, 1895, as amended by any 
subsequent enactment, shall be increased from five to 
seven, and accordingly seven shall be substituted for five 
in subsection (2) of section 1 of that Act. 

' 2. Section 1 of the said Act shall have effect as if the 
persons named therein included any person being or 
having been Chief Justice or a Judge of the Supreme 
Court of South Africa. 

' 3. His Majesty may, by Order in Council, regulate 
the order in which the persons qualified to become 
members of the Judicial Committee under the said Act 
as so amended, are to become members thereof, so as to 
secure, as far as possible, an equal distribution of such 
members amongst the various parts of His Majesty's 
Dominions to which the Act so amended relates.' 

By the fourth subsection, the ' Union of South Africa ' 
is substituted for the ' Cape of Good Hope, Natal, Trans- 
vaal, Orange River Colony ', in the schedule to the Act 
of 1908. 
The Com- The Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia and 
the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Newfoundland, 
and judges of these two Courts, are by the Act of 1908 
included among the persons to whom the provisions of 
section 1 of the Act of 1895 are applicable. The practical 
result of this legislation has not been, as at first sight 
might have appeared probable, that the British dominions 
beyond the seas have been granted any effective repre- 
sentation on the Board of the Judicial Committee, for the 
reason that it has been found convenient for the colonial 
judges who are qualified to take their seats only at such 
times as they are not required to exercise their judicial 
functions in the colony in which they hold office. In 
practice, except on very rare occasions — for instance, 
during the summer sittings of 1913, Lord de Villiers 
took his seat in the House of Lords when sitting for the 
transaction of judicial business, and Sir Samuel Griffith, 
Chief Justice of Australia, during the same sittings sat 
on the Board of the Judicial Committee, and heard 
appeals from New Zealand and India — the work of the 

mittee in 


Judicial Committee has devolved upon the Lord Chancellor 
and the six Lords of Appeal in Ordinary. Without doubt 
the Judicial Committee, in the exercise of its important 
functions, has won golden opinions in many quarters. 
An amusing illustration of the confidence which its 
decisions have inspired in the outlying parts of the 
Empire was related in 1900 by Mr. R. B. Haldane, after- 
wards Lord Chancellor. * As showing the faith in this 
body which has been inspired into our distant peoples, it 
is told by a traveller who had penetrated into a remote 
part of India, that he found the natives offering up 
a sacrifice to a far-off but all-powerful god, who had 
just restored to the tribe the land which the Government 
of the day had taken from it. He asked the name of the 
god. The reply was, " We know nothing of him, but 
that he is a good god, and that his name is the Judicial 
Committee of the Privy Council." ' 

One of the most urgent imperial problems which Present 
awaits solution, however, is how much longer the self- pro ems * 
governing dominions will remain willing to accept the 
decisions of a Final Court of Appeal in the composition 
of which they have no voice. 

The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, con- 
stituted in this manner, and clothed with the ample juris- 
diction which has been explained above, is not, strictly 
speaking, a Court at all. It is merely a Committee of the 
Privy Council, with statutory power to inquire into the 
nature of the subject-matter in appeal, and to report 
to the Sovereign the result of its deliberations. Its 
1 judgement ' is not a judgement, but consists only of the 
reasons which induce the Committee ' humbly ' to ' advise ' 
the Sovereign to give effect to the decision at which the 
Board has arrived. The report to the Sovereign does not 
state these reasons, but merely states the conclusion of 
the Board and the method proposed for giving effect to 
it. The report is submitted to the Sovereign, and after 
it has been approved at a meeting of the Privy Council, 
an Order in Council is issued embodying the report, and 
adopting it as the judgement of the King in Council. 




and right 
to appeal 
by the 
Crown in 

The King, in virtue of his Prerogative, has authority 
under the Constitution to review the decisions of all 
Colonial Courts, and of all Courts on which British juris- 
diction has been conferred, whether the proceedings be 
of a civil or of a criminal nature, unless the Prerogative 
of the Sovereign has been validly restricted or abolished 
(Falkland Islands Co. v. The Queen, 1 Moo., N.S. 299). 

The right of the Crown in Council to entertain appeals 
from all Courts of Justice in any British colony or posses- 
sion abroad is also conferred by Statute 7 & 8 Vic. c. 69, 
section 1. 

The better opinion is that the King is not entitled to 
surrender any part of his Prerogative without the con- 
sent of the British people, evidenced by an enabling 
imperial statute in that behalf. 

The King has no power proprio motu to surrender the 
Prerogative right to receive appeals from all British 
Courts without the realm, and no statutory provision 
passed by a colonial legislature can validly limit or 
abolish the Prerogative to receive appeals (In re Wi Mutua, 
1908, A.C. 448. Canadian Pacific Railway Co. v. Toronto 
Corporation, 1911, A.C. 461). 

The Crown in Council is entitled to entertain all appeals 
from any British Court of Justice without the realm in 
virtue of its Prerogative and by reason of the Statutes 
of 1833 and 1844 (except where the Prerogative right 
has been restricted or abolished by an Act of the British 

The Crown in Council will, in its discretion, grant 
' special leave to appeal ' in all proper cases, whether 
they be of a civil or criminal nature, but in criminal cases 
the Judicial Committee will not advise the King to 
entertain an appeal unless ' it is shown that by a disregard 
of the forms of legal process, or by some violation of the 
principles of natural justice or otherwise, substantial and 
grave injustice has been done ' (see In re Dillet, 12 A.C, 
p. 459, and R. v. Bertrand, L.R.P.C. 529). The only 
instance in which the Royal Prerogative to receive such 
appeals has been validly restricted is under the important 


British statutes by which the constitutions of the 
Commonwealth of Australia and the Union of South 
Africa were created in 1900 and 1909. Except as pro- 
vided by these Statutes the Crown in Council has an 
indisputable right to grant special leave to appeal in all 
cases heard in a British Court without the realm. 

In settled colonies it appears to be clear that the 
Crown in Council is entitled by Order in Council to set 
up Courts for the administration of the Common Law of 
England which the settlers take with them (see Jephson v. 
Riera, 2 Knapp. 130). But when once the judicial 
system has been set up (see In re The Lord Bishop of 
Natal, 3 Moore P.C., N.S. 152), or the colony possesses 
a local legislature, the Crown cannot confer any new 
jurisdiction upon the existing Courts, or set up new 
Courts without the consent of the local legislature, or 
the aid of an imperial statute. 

The Crown may by Charter or Order in Council, or 
local ordinance, grant the right of appealing to the Crown 
in Council from the Courts of any British colony or 
possession or dependency, subject to the fulfilment of 
certain conditions. The conditions precedent to the right 
to appeal coming into existence vary in the different 
colonies and possessions. This variation in the conditions 
precedent to the right of appealing was caused by the 
different methods by means of which the several colonies 
were settled. 

The multiplicity of these conditions gave rise to much Resolu- 

confusion and dissatisfaction, and the Colonial Conference colonial 

of 1907 passed the following resolutions : Confer- 



' 1. That, with a view to the extension of uniform 
rights of appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, 
the various Orders in Council, Instructions to Governors, 
Charters of Justice, Ordinances and Proclamations upon 
the subject of the Appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign 
should be taken into consideration for the purpose of 
determining the desirability of equalizing the conditions 
which gave right of appeal to His Majesty. 

' 2. That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would 
be avoided if some portion of His Majesty's Prerogative 


to grant special leave to appeal in cases where there 
exists no right of appeal were, under definite rules and 
restrictions, delegated to the discretion of the local Courts.' 

The principal variations which existed in the con- 
ditions precedent to the right of appeal in the several 
colonies and possessions concerned the appealable 
amount, the limit of time for appealing as of right, and 
the lodging of security for costs. 
Con- To meet the complaints raised at the Colonial Con- 

amend- ference, the practice and procedure of the Judicial 
ments. Committee was amended and consolidated bv an Order 


in Council of December 21, 1908, which set out a fresh 
body of rules in lieu of those which had hitherto obtained, 
and a model set of conditions was drafted and submitted 
to all the colonies, with a recommendation that it should 
be adopted by them in place of the existing conditions, 
with a view to obtaining a uniformity of practice. 
Most of the colonies have adopted the new conditions 
(which, however, do not apply to India), and in cases 
where the new conditions have been adopted, Orders in 
Council have been issued revoking the Order or Ordin- 
ance in force, and giving validity to the new conditions. 
In this way much has been done to simplify and improve 
the practice. 
Rules and The two most important conditions set out in the 

model t t -,... 

conditions model conditions are : 


the prac- ' Rule 2. Subject to the provisions of these rules, an 

tice of the appeal shall lie — 

mittee. ' ( a ) As °^ right, from any final judgement of the 

Court, where the matter in dispute on the appeal amounts 

to or is of the value of £ sterling or upwards, or 

where the appeal involves, directly or indirectly, some 
claim or question to or respecting property or some civil 

right amounting to or of the value of £ sterling or 

upwards ; and 

' (b) At the discretion of the Court, from any other 
judgement of the Court, whether final or interlocutory, 
if, in the opinion of the Court, the question involved in 
the appeal is one which, by reason of its great general 
or public importance or otherwise ought to be submitted 
to His Majesty in Council for decision.' 


The appealable amount varies, according to the local 
circumstances, from £300 (e.g. in Barbados) to £2,000, 
but £500 is the minimum usually fixed. 

The power which is conferred by this rule upon the 
local Court to grant leave to appeal if the appeal involved 
a question of great general or public importance, was in 
the case of most of the colonial Courts a new one, which 
does away with the necessity of applying in such cases, 
where the amount in dispute fell below the appealable 
minimum to the Privy Council, for special leave to 

1 Rule 4. Applications to the Court for leave to appeal 

shall be made by motion or petition within days from 

the date of the judgement to be appealed from, and the 
applicant shall give the opposite party notice of his 
intended application.' 

The time usually fixed is twenty -one days, but the 
period is not uniform in all the colonies. 

Rule 5 relates to the amount of the security which is 
required for the costs of the appeal. In Rule 5 the 
amount is set out as £500, and this sum has, in practice, 
been adopted in most colonies. 

It must be borne in mind that the conditions contained Crown's 
in the model rules, and any other conditions, compliance tivTtcT 
with which gives a right of appeal, can in no way affect grant 
the Prerogative right of the Sovereign in Council to grant ^ave to 
special leave to appeal in any case in which it is deemed appeal, 
meet to grant it. This Prerogative right can only be 
restricted by an Act of the Imperial Legislature, as has 
been already stated. Moreover, even if the local Court 
has refused leave to appeal on the ground that the con- 
ditions have not been complied with, the Privy Council 
will, notwithstanding, in their discretion, in a proper case 
grant special leave to appeal. 

Rule 28 of the model conditions expressly recognizes 
the Prerogative of the Crown : 

' Nothing in these rules contained shall be deemed to 
interfere with the right of His Majesty, upon the humble 
petition of any person aggrieved by any judgement of 


the Court, to admit his appeal therefrom upon such con- 
ditions as His Majesty in Council shall think fit to 

No useful purpose would be served, even if it were 
possible to do so within the compass of this chapter, by 
setting out the details of the special conditions which 
must be complied with before a right of appeal arises in 
the several colonies and dependencies of the Empire. 
It is much to be desired that within a reasonable time 
it will be found that the model conditions have been 
adopted by Order in Council or other valid process, so as 
make the procedure of appeal throughout the Empire 
conform even more than it does at the present time to 
a uniform standard. 

The British Courts from which appeals lie to the 
Sovereign in Council exercise jurisdiction in countries 
which are united to the British Crown by varying ties, 
and which enjoy different forms of government. 
The main groups are : 
Types of l. The self -governing dominions which have been 
depen- entrusted with full self-government, namely, the Dominion 
dencies. f Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the United 
South Africa, New Zealand, and Newfoundland. 

2. Those colonies which have not complete self- 
government, and in which the executive power is vested 
in the governor, acting with a nominated or elected 
legislative assembly or council, or with a legislative 
assembly or council which is partly nominated and 
partly elected, such as the West Indies, Mauritius, Malta, 
the Falkland Islands, &c. 

3. Those colonies in which the legislative and executive 
power is vested in the Governor alone ; for instance, 
Gibraltar, St. Helena, and Labuan. 

4. Those countries and places which come under 
the British Settlements Acts of 1887 and the Foreign 
Jurisdiction Act of 1890, and which either enjoy 
a British protectorate, or have no European civilization, 
and which by treaty, capitulation, or otherwise have 
surrendered jurisdiction over British subjects to the 


Courts established by the Sovereign of the United 

5. Those countries which are British possessions, but 
which do not strictly come under the category of colonies, 
such as British India, the Channel Isles, the Isle of Man, 
and the territories of chartered companies within the 
sphere of British influence, such as the Imperial British 
East Africa Company. 

So far as the varying local circumstances permit, 
appeals from the British Courts which exercise juris- 
diction in these places are regulated substantially by 
conditions and rules, such as have been described and 
explained above, with the exception of British India, to 
which the model conditions are not applicable, and the 
self-governing dominions of Canada, Australia, and 
United South Africa. No doubt the Order in Council 
may give validity to different conditions in different 
territories, such as the Order in Council issued in 1910 
for New Zealand, which, so far as appeals from the final 
judgements of the Supreme Court is concerned, limits 
the right of appeal unless ' in the opinion of that Court 
the question involved in the appeal is one which by 
reason of its great general or public importance or of the 
magnitude of the interests involved, or for any other 
reason, ought to be submitted to His Majesty in Council 
for decision ' ; but, speaking generally, the procedure for 
appealing from the Courts in these territories is framed 
on substantially similar lines. 

More appeals are brought before the Judicial Com- Appeals 
mittee from British India than from any other territory £°™ ish 
within the British Empire. India. 

In certain districts of India to which the Code of Civil 
Procedure has not been applied, the only rules in force 
relating to appeals to the Privy Council are contained in 
an Order in Council issued in 1838, under which a right 
of appeal is given in those cases alone in which the petition 
is brought within six calendar months, and the value of 
the matter in dispute amounts to Rs. 10,000. 

Appeals from the four chartered High Courts at Calcutta, 


Madras, Bombay, and Allahabad are regulated by the 
provisions of the Letters Patent by which they were 
respectively created, and by rules which the High Courts 
have themselves made under the provisions of the Code 
of Civil Procedure (sections 129-131). But appeals to 
the Privy Council from these Courts and other Courts 
(except those in scheduled districts to which the Code 
has not been expressly made applicable) are regulated 
by the Code of Civil Procedure contained in Act 5 of 
1908, passed by the Governor-General in Council. 
The main provisions are : 

' 109. Subject to such rules as may from time to time 
be made by His Majesty in Council ... an appeal shall 
lie to His Majesty in Council. 

(a) From any decree or final order passed on appeal 
by a High Court or by any other Court of final appellate 

(b) From any decree or final order passed by a High 
Court in the exercise of original civil jurisdiction. 

(c) From any decree or order when the case, as herein- 
after provided, is certified to be a fit one for appeal to 
His Majesty in Council. 

110. In each of the cases mentioned in clauses (a) and 
(b) of section 109, the amount or value of the subject-matter 
of the suit . . . must be Rs. 10,000 or upwards. . . . 

And where the decree appealed from affirms the de- 
cision or final order of the Court immediately below, . . . 
the appeal must involve some substantial question of law.' 

Appeals It is, however, around the right of appeal to the Privy 
Canada, Council from the Dominion of Canada, the Union of South 
Australia Africa, and the Commonwealth of Australia, that con- 
Africa, troversy has mainly centred. By the Act of 1844, and 
in virtue of the Prerogative, the Sovereign in Council 
possesses the right to receive petitions of appeal from 
all the Courts of these dominions, except where the 
Prerogative has been abridged by statute passed by the 
British Parliament. The problem which is growing more 
and more urgent is whether the Prerogative right of the 
Crown ought not to be abolished so far as appeals from 
the dominions are concerned, and the right of appeal 
restricted to cases in which the local Courts have them- 
selves granted leave to appeal. 


In the states and provinces of the dominions the con- 
ditions, the fulfilment of which give a right of appeal to 
the Judicial Committee, vary considerably, but in the 
case of each of the dominions, an appeal in certain cases 
lies from the provincial Courts to the Supreme Court of 
the dominion. 

It is urged by those who advocate the abridgement of 
the Royal Prerogative, that in cases where there is an 
appeal from the Courts of the states or provinces to the 
Supreme Court of the dominion, an alternative or further 
appeal to the Privy Council is unnecessary and mis- 
chievous. It is asserted that the creation by virtue of 
an imperial statute of a Supreme Court for a dominion 
to which an appeal may lie from the Courts of the states 
or provinces, is a recognition of the claim of the dominion 
to be the final arbiters of disputes within the territory of 
that dominion, and that the effect of the retention of 
the Prerogative right to receive petitions of appeal from 
the provincial Courts, may result in conflicting decisions 
in the Privy Council and in the Supreme Courts of the 

Again, it is argued that the dignity of the Supreme 
Court of the dominion is impaired if it is open to an 
aggrieved litigant to appeal by special leave of His 
Majesty to His Majesty in Council from an adverse 
decision of the Supreme Court of the dominion. 

The steps which have been taken in the dominions in 
furtherance of these widely held opinions are as follows : 

The British North America Act of 1867, by section 101, Canada, 
authorized the creation of a General Court of Appeal for 
Canada, and in 1875 by Statute of the Dominion Parlia- 
ment (38 Vic. c. 11), the Supreme Court of Canada was 
created. The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of 
Canada is now regulated by a Canadian Statute (Rev. 
St. Can. 1906, c. 139). 

In none of these statutes is the Prerogative right to 
entertain appeals in any way curtailed, but by section 59 
of the Act of 1906 the Dominion Parliament provided 
that under no conditions should there be a right of 

1321-6 i 


appeal to the Privy Council from the Supreme Court of 

' Section 59. The judgement of the Court shall in all 
cases be final and conclusive, and no appeal shall be 
brought from any judgement or order of the Court to 
any Court of Appeal established by the Parliament of 
Great Britain and Ireland by which appeals or petitions 
to His Majesty in Council may be ordered to be heard, 
saving any right which his Majesty may be graciously 
pleased to exercise by virtue of His Royal Prerogative.' 

In so far as this statute purports to limit the right of 
the Sovereign in Council to entertain appeals on such 
conditions as by Order in Council may be deemed to be 
meet, the Statute is clearly repugnant to the Act of 1844, 
and ultra vires. 

Further, in 1888, by a Statute passed by the Dominion 
Parliament (51 Vic. c. 43), the Dominion Legislature pur- 
ported to abolish the Royal Prerogative to grant special 
leave to appeal in criminal cases. 

' Notwithstanding any Royal Prerogative or anything 
contained in the Interpretation Act or in the Supreme 
Court Act, no appeal shall be brought in any Criminal 
Case from any judgement or order of any Court in Canada 
to any Court of Appeal or authority by which in the 
United Kingdom appeals or petitions to His Majesty's 
Council may be heard.' 

This Act, pro tanto, is clearly ultra vires and invalid, 
and beyond this the Dominion has not, up till now, sought 
to restrict the Royal Prerogative. The legislation which 
has been passed in Canada, however, demonstrates the 
urgency of the claim which has been raised. 
Australia. The Commonwealth (Constitution) Act, 1900 (63 & 64 
Vic. c. 12), for the first time validly restricted the Royal 
Prerogative to entertain appeals from all British Courts 
without the realm. 

By section 74 of the Act which was passed by the 
Parliament at Westminster, it is enacted that : 

' Section 74. No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen 
in Council from a decision of the High Court upon any 


question, howsoever arising, as to the limits inter se of 
the Constitutional powers of the Commonwealth and 
those of any State or States, or as to the limits inter se 
of the Constitutional powers of any two or more States, 
unless the High Court shall certify that the question is 
one which ought to be determined by Her Majesty in 
Council. . . . 

' Except as provided in this section, this Constitution 
shall not impair any right which the Queen may be 
pleased to exercise by virtue of Her Royal Prerogative, 
to grant special leave of appeal from the High Court to 
Her Majesty in Council. The Parliament may make 
laws limiting the matters in which such leave may be 
asked, but proposed laws containing any such limitation 
shall be reserved by the Governor-General for Her 
Majesty's pleasure.' 

By section 73, the judgement of the High Court in all 
matters referred to in the section is to be final and con- 

By subsequent Acts passed by the Australian Parlia- 
ment in 1903 and in 1907, called the Judiciary Acts, 
the Commonwealth sought still further to limit the 
jurisdiction of the King in Council by prohibiting appeals 
from the State Courts on constitutional matters from 
being brought over to the Privy Council. There can be 
little doubt that the Judiciary Acts of 1903 and 1907 
are ultra vires, as being repugnant to the Statutes of 
1844 (see Webb v. Outrim, 1907, A.C. 81). But there 
is no doubt that further attempts will be made to limit 
His Majesty's Prerogative right to entertain appeals 
from Australia unless a solution is found of the difficulties 
which have been raised. 

The South Africa Act of 1909 (9 Edward VII, c. 9) Union of 
restricts even more rigorously the Prerogative right to Africa. 
entertain appeals from United South Africa. 

By section 106 : 

' There shall be no appeal from the Supreme Court of 
South Africa or from any division thereof to the King in 
Council, but nothing herein contained shall be construed 
to impair any right which the King in Council may be 
pleased to exercise to grant special leave to appeal from 



the Appellate Division to the King in Council. Parlia- 
ment may make laws limiting the matters in respect of 
which such special leave may be asked, but Bills con- 
taining any such limitation shall be reserved by the 
Governor-General for the signification of His Majesty's 

The effect of the South Africa Act, 1909 (except in 
the case of judgements in the inferior Courts which are 
not Divisions of the Supreme Court), is that the Pre- 
rogative right of His Majesty to grant special leave to 
appeal to the Crown in Council is taken away save as 
regards appeals from the Appellate Division of the 
Supreme Court. 
Need There can be no doubt in view of the legislation which 

Imperial nas recen tly been passed both by the British Parliament 
Court of and by the legislatures of the dominions relating to 
ppea appeals from British Courts without the realm to the 
King in Council, that there is a strong movement in the 
dominions, and to a lesser extent also in the mother 
country, in favour of restricting the jurisdiction of the 
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. With the grow- 
ing sense of nationalism which the development and in- 
dependence of the self-governing dominions have engen- 
dered, it is felt that the dominions should be entitled to 
determine their own judicial problems without recourse 
to Downing Street. 

' It appears to us quite clear ', said Sir Samuel Griffith, 
the eminent Chief Justice of Australia, ' that the purpose 
apparent on the face of the document was that the 
Australians should have their domestic disputes settled 
finally by a domestic tribunal, and that in this respect 
a larger measure of independent self-government should 
be conferred upon them than had ever been previously 
conferred in the case of any British Dependency ' (see 
Baxter v. Commissioners of Taxes, N.S.W., 4 C.L.R., 
p. 1114). 

How can this tendency be checked ? Mr. Haldane, 
K.C., in 1900, pointed out that in one way only could 
this be done, namely, ' by making our Australian colonies 


feel that we offer them the finest court of ultimate 
appeal that the Empire can produce, and by, as I hold, 
giving them a part to play in its constitution.' That 
was the solution which was suggested by the repre- 
sentatives of Australia and New Zealand at the Imperial 
Conference of 1911, when the following resolutions came 
up for discussion : 

Australia : 'That it is desirable that the judicial functions 
in regard to the Dominions now exercised by the Judicial 
Committee of the Privy Council should be vested in an 
Imperial Court of Appeal, which should also be the final 
Court of Appeal for Great Britain and Ireland.' 

New Zealand : ' That it has now become evident, con- 
sidering the growth of population, the diversity of laws 
enacted, and the differing public policies affecting legal 
interpretation in His Majesty's Overseas Dominions, that 
no Imperial Court of Appeal can be satisfactory which does 
not include judicial representatives of these Overseas 

Who can doubt that in the creation of an Imperial 
Court of Appeal, representative of the whole Empire, 
lies the only possible solution of this great imperial 
problem ? History would indeed be repeating itself if 
the effect of legislation in the near future were to be 
that the King himself, acting upon the advice of the 
Privy Council, should be re-created the final Court of 
Appeal for all his subjects, both in Great Britain and 
Ireland, and in the dominions beyond the seas. The 
present time is peculiarly opportune for the creation of 
such a Court. The British Constitution is in process of 
reconstruction, and the Second Chamber, both in its 
functions and in its composition, will inevitably undergo 
drastic changes. It is to be hoped that by fusing the 
House of Lords, as a judicial tribunal, with the Judicial 
Committee of the Privy Council, a representative tri- 
bunal will be created which will act as a final Court of 
Appeal for the whole Empire, prove satisfactory to all 
the subjects of the Crown, and form an indissoluble link 
in the chain of imperial federation. 



By Professor H. E. Egerton 

There is no parallel in history to the British Empire. 
If we merely consider its self-governing portions, a com- 
parison may be drawn with loose confederacies such as 
the Ionian. If we regard the Crown colonies and India, 
the nearest parallel is the Roman Empire. In India the 
King of the British dominions reigns as Emperor. In 
that one peninsula are no less than 700 Native States, 
having one-third of the area and one-fourth of the popula- 
tion of all India, all in a position of closer or less close 
allegiance to the sovereign Power. British India is still 
an autocracy, though tentative attempts are being made 
to associate the natives with the machinery of government. 
At the opposite pole stand the dominions, practically 
independent Powers, save that they recognize the 
King as constitutional monarch. Especially puzzling 
to the future student of history will be the status of 
Egypt, wherein the representative of what is practically 
the protecting Power formally occupies merely the 
position of a consul-general ; whilst even in the actual 
Empire diversity of tenure, by means of full ownership, 
protectorate, and occupation under lease, bewilders the 
student. Not less striking are the contrasts of climate 
and of products which are found within the British 
possessions. In this wealth and maze of subject-matter 
it is impossible to give an adequate sketch of the history 
within a few pages. All that can be attempted is such 
a brief summary of the history of the settlements in 
Europe, America, Africa, Asia, and Australasia, as may 
lead to a better understanding of the British Empire of 
to-day. Other divisions may, for certain purposes, be 


preferable, based on the form of their governments ; but 
for the purposes of this work a division founded on 
geographical considerations is the most convenient and 

Mediterranean Possessions 

The Mediterranean possessions of Great Britain are Gibraltar. 
mainly military strongholds. Gibraltar, at the entrance 
of the Mediterranean, was first taken by the English in 
1704, and was formally ceded by Spain, by the Peace of 
Utrecht, 1713. For years the chief aim of Spanish diplo- 
macy was to recover this fortress ; and, at the time of 
Great Britain's humiliation in the War of American 
Independence, it seemed as though the hour had come ; 
but the splendid defence of General Eliott (1779-83) pre- 
served it to Great Britain ; and there has been no subse- 
quent proposal for its restoration to Spain. The natural 
strength of the position has been aided by science ; and 
the importance of Gibraltar as a naval base and military 
stronghold is still great. 

Malta possesses more of the attributes of a colony than Malta. 
does Gibraltar ; but its importance is equally based on 
naval and military considerations. Granted by Charles V 
to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, Malta was 
taken by Napoleon, in 1797, on his way to Egypt. In 
1800 it surrendered to a British force. Restored to the 
Knights of Malta by the Peace of Amiens, 1802, Malta 
had not been given up by the British when war once 
more broke out. It did not again change hands, and was 
recognized by the Treaty of Paris, 1814, as a British 
possession, the Maltese themselves desiring to remain 
British subjects. Occupying a position near the middle, 
from west to east, of the Mediterranean, Malta is of 
great importance both as a port of call and as a military 
stronghold. The main problem connected with it has 
been the difficulty of reconciling the natural aspirations 
of the Maltese people for some form of representative 
government with the exigencies of a great naval and 
military centre. 


Cyprus. Cyprus, which remains formally a part of the Turkish 

Empire, was occupied by Great Britain in 1878, under 
the terms of a Convention with Turkey. The lot of the 
Cypriot people has no doubt greatly improved under 
British administration ; but it is doubtful how far the 
occupation of the island, without the fortifying of 
Famagusta, has added to imperial strength, and the 
presence of Great Britain in Egypt seems to fulfil the 
object for which the occupation of the island was originally 

British North America 

The connexion between geography and history in the 
work of expansion has always been close. It is not merely 
the famous discoverer who extends the limits of empire, 
but thousands of unknown or forgotten pioneers, on 
frontier settlements, have had their share in the work of 
expansion. If, therefore, in the pages of this chapter, 
little is said of the geographical aspect of the subject, it 
is because it is fully treated elsewhere, and not from any 
want of recognition of its capital importance. In the 
beginnings of the English, no less than of the Spanish 
Empire, it was, indeed, a false geographical opinion which 
helped to promote progress. Just as Columbus might 
never have ventured across the unknown seas had he not 
greatly underrated the distance by the western route to 
the East Indies, so a wrong estimate of the width of the 
American continent helped to encourage the Virginian 
Origin of It is difficult to decide the exact date at which the 
expansion, expansion of England began. There is a sense in which 
John Cabot is rightly claimed as the first builder of an 
English overseas Empire . Newfoundland, formally annexed 
by Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1583, is commonly spoken of as 
the oldest English colony, but no attempt was made by 
Gilbert to secure effective occupation, so that the colony, 
except as a resort for fishing vessels, did not take birth 
till a later date. Not more successful were Ralegh's 
attempts at colonization. A settlement was made at 


Roanoke Island, off what is now North Carolina, in 1585, 
and the mainland formally annexed, under the name of 
Virginia ; but political complications in Europe and the 
invasion of the British Isles by the Spanish Armada 
prevented Ralegh from sending the necessary reinforce- 
ments and supplies, so that the infant colony perished 
still-born. None the less may Ralegh be considered the 
first great master-builder of an English Empire ; and his 
words, written in 1602, ' I shall yet live to see it an 
Inglishe nation,' give the keynote to the subsequent 
history. Ralegh himself, however, scarcely seems to 
have realized the full significance of his own words. There 
being, according to the convenient French definition, two 
kinds of expansion, colonies (Sexploitation, plantations of 
products, and colonies de peuplement, settlements of men, 
Ralegh, like the men of his time, attached the greatest 
importance to the former type of colony, and looked to 
the gaining of a gold-producing counterpart to Mexico 
and Peru, to redress the balance of European political 
power. The vision of the wealth of Guiana obsessed his 
mind, because only by such means, as he believed, could 
the power of Spain be undermined. At the present time 
the value of colonies as a field for British emigration is 
obvious enough ; but in the England of the close of the 
sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century, 
though there was occasional economic distress owing to 
a variety of causes, it could not be said that there was 
over-population ; and in fact it proved extremely difficult 
to obtain labourers for new colonies. The main motives Motives 
making for imperial expansion were, then, (1) the political ^jj" es 
argument. Spain and Portugal had grown powerful by pansion. 
means of the riches of their colonial dominions ; to secure 
her place in the sun, England must follow their lead. 
Closely connected with this view was (2) the desire for 
gold-mines. To the economists of the time gold and silver 
were the principal forms of wealth, and it was the expec- 
tation of the discovery of gold-mines which doubtless 
caused the general interest in the Virginia Company. But 
apart from the thirst for gold, there was (3) the recognition 



that a colonial empire might produce many of the things 
that had to be obtained from foreign countries, and thus 
add both to the strength and to the wealth of England. 
A self-sufficing empire played a great part in the arguments 
of those advocating overseas expansion. But, whatever 
men's aspirations, it must be remembered that the State 
was still very weak, being supported neither by credit 
nor by adequate taxation, so that whatever was attempted 
in the way of expansion must have been by means of 
private enterprise. 
Trading But the task was beyond the power of private indi- 
viduals, so that associated effort was necessary for success. 
Trading companies were accordingly formed, chartered 
by the Crown. These companies were of two kinds, the 
regulated and the joint-stock. The regulated companies 
were merely a collection of independent individuals 
carrying on the same trade, a sort of enlarged monopolies, 
on the lines of the ancient town trades corporations. 
In the joint-stock companies, on the other hand, the 
directors who had the management of the common capital 
possessed no interests separate from those of the common 
undertaking. The limitation of liability, to the extent 
of the holding, enabled men of small means to take their 
share in the work. In December 1600 the English East 
India Company received its charter, its intention being 
to confine itself to trade, with no idea of a future empire. 
The financial success which attended the first years of 
the East India Company may have encouraged the 
English merchants to embark upon the less promising 
scheme of the Virginia Company, a leading merchant, 
Sir Thomas Smith, being at the head of both corporations. 
A charter was obtained for the Virginia Company in 1606, 
and in the following year the colony took permanent shape. 
The first idea had been to confer semi-independent powers 
of government upon the individual grantee after the model 
of the feudal Palatinates ; but the charter of 1606 sought 
to retain governmental power in the hands of a Council 
Virginia for Virginia. It was soon realized, however, that whoso- 
Company. ever pays the piper must call the tune ; and in 1609 the 


Virginia Company was recognized as master in its own 
house. At the same time the limits of the colony were 
greatly extended, so as to include all lands lying between 
40° and 48° north latitude. Although Virginia maintained 
its existence and the first settlement at Jamestown was 
supplemented by the foundation of others, its progress, 
in the absence of the precious metals, was necessarily 
slow. Amongst the settlers were too many adventurers 
and gentlemen, and too few mechanics and labourers. 
Meanwhile in England the quarterly courts of the Company 
were the scene of brawls between rival factions. A massacre 
of settlers by Indians in 1622 further weakened the colony ; 
and the King thus found the opportunity to revoke (1624) 
the charter of the Company, Virginia henceforth falling 
under the direct control of the Crown. Already, however, 
in 1619, a colonial representative Assembly had been set 
on foot, and this institution, though at first with some 
hesitation, the home government decided to recognize. 
The form of colonial government became thus stereotyped, 
consisting of a Governor, appointed by the Crown, a 
nominated Council, which served the double purpose of 
an Executive Council, to advise the Governor, and of 
a Legislative Council, to fulfil the functions of a second 
chamber, and lastly of a representative Assembly, elected 
on a suffrage genuinely democratic. The Virginia Company 
having cleared the way, individuals might hope to reap 
profit from colonies. Accordingly Lord Baltimore, a 
Court favourite, received a patent (1632) for Maryland, 
which was carved out of the northern portion of Virginia. 
Himself a Roman Catholic, Baltimore found it necessary, 
in order to secure settlers for his colony, to promise 
religious toleration. Meanwhile a more potent influence 
had been brought into play on behalf of colonial expansion. 
However dimly they may have recognized it, the principle 
of colonies, as safety-valves for religious dissent, was 
recognized in practice by the Stuart Kings. In 1620 the 
Pilgrim Fathers founded Plymouth ; and in 1629 a 
patent to the Massachusetts Company enabled Puritanism Massa- 

r J chusetts 

to set up a powerful organization in the New World. Under Company. 


the terms of the charter it proved possible to transfer the 
seat of government of the company to America. It had 
never been, in intention, a trading company ; and the 
result of such transference was the merging of the company 
in a self-governing community, the condition precedent to 
membership of which was membership of a congrega- 
tionalist church. The exodus from England during the 
first years of Charles's struggle with Parliament supplied 
such a body of emigrants of all classes as has never 
perhaps been equalled in the history of colonial develop- 
ment. Massachusetts, having owed nothing in its 
institution to the mother country, maintained the model 
of complete self-government, the Governor himself being 
an elected officer until the time of the second charter of 
1691. When the dissidence of dissent gave birth to the 
daughter New England colonies of Newhaven, Connecticut, 
and Rhode Island, they naturally took the same line as 
did Massachusetts ; while their comparative weakness 
left them untouched when the government of Massachu- 
setts was remodelled. A charter to eight leading public 
men in 1663 led to the foundation of the Carolinas, though 
the genius of Shaftesbury and Locke was unavailing to 
secure for the new colony more than a precarious existence. 
By this time the raison d'etre of colonies had come to be 
recognized, according to the principles of the mercantile 
system. Their use was to promote the shipping and the 
trade of the mother country. The latter object could be 
effected by promoting in them the growth of raw products, 
to be developed by the English manufacturer, and by 
securing in their markets a monopoly for English-made 
goods. It was to achieve these ends that the various 
Naviga- Navigation Acts were enacted. Such being the ideas of 
the time, the existence of a Dutch possession between 
Connecticut and the Southern English colonies was a 
continual thorn in the side. So long as New Netherland 
remained Dutch, the Navigation Laws could be made 
a dead letter. Economic necessity, therefore, seemed to 
justify the high-handed annexation of New Netherland 
in 1664. Nor had the rule of the Dutch West India 

tion Acts. 


Company been such as to cause the inhabitants to regret 
their change of masters. In 1681 a charter to William 
Penn enabled the holy experiment to be tried of a colony 
founded on Quaker principles. Delaware was at first 
attached to Pennsylvania ; and New Hampshire, after 
being a shuttlecock between the rival claims of Crown 
grantees and Massachusetts, at the settlement of 1691 
was made a separate colony. The last American colony 
was added to the list in 1732, when the philanthropic 
Oglethorpe sought to establish in Georgia a refuge for 
insolvent debtors and a bulwark against Spanish 

During all these years the prevailing note amongst all Diverse 
these colonies was one of diversity. Royal, proprietary, JerTof 
and corporate colonies existed side by side, and the colonies .- 
religious and social character of the different provinces govern? 
was wholly different. Still throughout, even in Virginia, ment - 
where alone there prevailed a system of large landed 
estates, the tone of public and private life was far more 
democratic than it was in England, and it was this 
essential antinomy of thought, rather than individual 
measures, which was the real cause of the American 
Revolution. The English government was far from 
tyrannical. The New England colonies, indeed, were 
practically independent states ; and everywhere com- 
mittees of the Assembly had been able, through the power 
of the purse, dangerously to intrude upon the province 
of the executive. The provisions of the Navigation Laws 
sound to us sufficiently galling ; but they were accepted 
at the time as more or less a matter of course. They 
were in fact easily evaded, with public opinion everywhere 
opposed to the enforcement of the law. The discourage- 
ment of colonial manufactures was no great grievance, 
since the scarcity and dearness of labour forbade their 
development, and it must be remembered that the 
hardships of the system were counterbalanced by bounties 
and preferential treatment, so that it is difficult to say 
whether the advantages or the disadvantages were the 


Anglo- It was this collection of diverse and sometimes hostile 

opposi- communities, only knit together by the links of a common 

tion in fiscal system, which found itself at the beginning of the 

America, eighteenth century opposed to a Power which was already 

beginning to aim at the hegemony of North America. 

The settled policy of France was to connect Canada at 

the north with Louisiana at the south, and so to close 

in the English colonies within the portals of the Alleghany 

Mountains. The population of New France was so small 

compared with that of the English colonies that the 

attempt to us now seems almost ludicrous. Nevertheless, 

the battle is not always to the more numerous, and 

organization and leadership may countervail superiority 

of numbers. In Queen Anne's war the frontiers of New 

England were the main scene of operations ; and, though 

the French were often successful and a British expedition 

against Quebec ended in complete failure, victories in 

Europe secured that, at the Peace of Utrecht in 1713, 

Acadia, which had been conquered in 1690, became a 

Hudson's British possession. At the same time Newfoundland and 

pany.'° m " ^ ne Hudson's Bay Company's territories were recognized 

as British, and the sovereignty of Great Britain over 

the Iroquois Indians was also admitted. The value of 

the Hudson's Bay territories lay in the fur-trade. The 

establishment of English ports had been owing to the 

action of two French deserters, and the Hudson's Bay 

Company was chartered in 1670 to develop the trade. 

In this connexion it should be noted that at the time of 

the conquest of Canada in 1760 the fur-trade represented 

its main source of wealth. Acadia, as we have seen, had 

become British. But what was meant by Acadia ? In 

. the past the French had maintained that it extended far 

down into what is now the State of Maine. After the 

Peace of Peace of Utrecht they urged that it included only the 

trec ' actual peninsula of Nova Scotia, leaving what is now 

New Brunswick to New France. This question was never 

settled till the British conquest of Canada made it of 

no practical importance. But whatever its limits, Nova 

Scotia (as Acadia was now termed) showed that in the 


work of expansion mere conquest without development 
is valueless. It was hoped at first to attract settlers 
from New England ; but neither New nor Old England 
had the population available to provide immigrants. 
Consequently the French Acadians were left in a kind of 
dull neutrality, between the British Government, which 
claimed their allegiance but did not enforce its rights, 
and their old French masters, who called in aid the power 
of the Roman Catholic Church to prevent their settling 
down as peaceable British subjects. The deportation of the 
Acadians in 1755 was the price paid in a moment of panic 
for past neglect. 

The Peace of Utrecht brought no lasting peace in 
America ; and with the development of Louisiana the 
French became more determined in their designs against 
the British colonies. Cape Breton Island was occupied to 
retrieve the loss of Acadia, and Louisburg, its capital, 
strongly fortified. It was captured, however, in the war 
of the Austrian Succession (1745) by a New England 
expedition ; and its restoration to France by the Treaty 
of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), in exchange for Madras, was one 
of the causes which contributed to the growth of dis- 
content with Great Britain. With the signing of the 
Peace the French sought in haste to occupy the western 
country, watered by the Ohio River ; and it was here 
that British and French again first came in conflict. 

The Seven Years' War, which began in disasters to Conquest 
Great Britain, ended in triumph, owing to the genius of Canada 
the elder Pitt and the instruments whom he inspired. 
Cape Breton Island became British in 1758, and, by the 
occupation of Fort Du Quesne in the same year, the 
British forces obtained the possession of the western 
country. In 1759, Quebec was taken, and, with the 
capitulation of Montreal in the following year, Canada 
became a British possession. 

With the French incubus removed, the American 
colonies no longer needed the protection of the mother 
country ; and when a policy, at once more narrow and 
more systematic, sought to extract from them a fair share 


of the burden of imperial expenditure, they finally resisted 
by force and declared themselves independent. 
Early Meanwhile Canada was being ruled in the manner most 

govern- suited to a primitive people. The French regime had been 
a pure autocracy ; the form of feudalism introduced 
securing rude comfort and fixity of tenure to an agri- 
cultural population, with very low rents and few of the 
burdens of the feudal system. Education had been, except 
in the case of the convent schools, almost wholly neglected, 
and there was not a printing press in the colony. In 
this state of things, a representative Assembly would have 
been impossible ; and though an ill-considered Proclama- 
tion of 1763 held out the promise of such an Assembly, 
and seemed to abolish the whole system of French law, 
the general policy of the British governors was to con- 
ciliate the French population, and as far as possible to 
carry out the government on lines congenial and familiar 
to them. Such a policy found its recognition in the 
Quebec Act of 1774, which enforced the payment of 
tithes by Roman Catholics, thus ensuring to the British 
Government the support of the Roman Church, and 
restored, in civil matters, the dominance of the French 
law. A nominated Council was set on foot with very 
restricted powers as to taxation. The Quebec Act was 
well suited to the circumstances of the time ; nor did the 
Canadians, though much solicited, show any great inclina- 
tion to throw in their lot with the American colonies. 
In another way, however, the issue of the War of Indepen- 
dence greatly affected Canada. Hitherto, as we have 
seen, Canada had been a purely French province, with 
the exception of some two or three hundred English 
traders in the towns. The harsh treatment accorded to 
the Loyalists in the American states, and the failure to 
comply with the spirit and even the letter of the Treaty 
of 1783, caused great numbers of these Loyalists to seek 
a new home in British North America. At first the 
majority went to Nova Scotia, out of which a new province, 
New Brunswick, was carved in 1784 ; very many, however, 
went to the western portion of Canada, the first settle- 


ments being made along the Bay of Quinte at the eastern 
end of Lake Ontario. The coming of these Loyalists to 
Canada altogether changed the political situation. They 
were naturally unwilling to come under the dominion of 
French law ; whilst, accustomed as they had been to 
a representative assembly, they could not permanently 
be deprived of one. But the French seemed entitled to 
the same treatment as the English ; when, therefore, it 
was decided to divide the province, so as to secure the 
dominance of English law in Upper Canada, a representa- 
tive Assembly was given to the Lower, as well as to the 
Upper, Province. The system of government known as 
representative, in which an Assembly legislates without 
possessing any control of the executive, has always led 
to friction and disputes. In Lower Canada the matter Racial 
was complicated by racial antagonism between British nLn?° 
and French, representing roughly town and country 
interests. The absence of education and any kind of 
political apprenticeship aggravated difficulties, the French 
habitants blindly following leaders who, as lawyers or 
doctors, had risen from their own ranks. Still the bitter- 
ness was perhaps chiefly on the surface ; and when, in 
1812, Great Britain and the United States were again 
at war, the French Canadians gave loyal support to the 
government, and, though the main scene of operations 
was elsewhere, gave conspicuous proof of gallantry when 
the opportunity arose. This being so, it was regrettable 
that, on the conclusion of peace, no serious attempt was 
made to mend matters. No doubt the French showed 
no moderation in their claims, whilst the Home Govern- 
ment wished to be conciliatory. The French leaders did 
not realize the necessity of responsible government, and 
the main ground of dispute was over the questions 
whether or not the Assembly should have the control of 
all the sources of revenue and whether or not the Legisla- 
tive Council should be elective. The British minority, 
who had by this time grown in numbers and importance, 
honestly believed that they could not trust their interests 
to bodies elected by a preponderance of French votes ; 

1321-6 K 


and therefore, whatever their views in the abstract, clung 
closely to a nominated Legislative Council ; nor could the 
Home Government, in the face of this opinion, make the 
concession. There is no doubt that the French were 
prejudiced by the fear of Anglo-Saxon immigration, and 
blocked many commercial improvements because these 
were connected with the interests of the British com- 
munity. The actual work of administration was too often 
neglected for sterile political controversy ; and the French 
leaders proved themselves not well suited for the give 
and take of British public life. Upon the other hand, 
individual Englishmen were no doubt often exasperating 
and insolent. It was provoking for the Assembly to see 
their work made inoperative by the Council, and the 
Governor's body of advisers seem to have been too often 
narrow and prejudiced in their views. During the first 
years of British rule Canada had cost more than it con- 
tributed ; but, after that in 1818 it provided for its own 
ordinary expenses, the power of the purse put a weapon 
in the hands of a hostile Assembly which it was prompt 
to use. At last matters came to a political deadlock, and 
the abortive rebellion of 1837-8 was perhaps beneficial, 
because it compelled the Home Government to look the 
situation in the face, and caused the mission of Lord 
Durham which brought about the political regeneration 
of Canada. 
Relations At first the Upper Canadian pioneers, in their war with 
UppeTand ^ ne wilderness, had little time to give to political questions. 
Lower But, with the gradual growth of the colony, largely the 
result of new immigration from the United States, the 
defective system of government brought its inevitable 
result. Here the main controversy was over the favoured 
position of the English Established Church, in a country 
where the majority of the people were dissenters from 
that Church. Discontent was further caused by the fact 
that the spoils of office remained the appanage of a small 
clique known as ' the family compact ', which was able 
to put a spoke in the wheel of the decisions of the repre- 
sentative Assembly. Political discontent was no doubt 



further aggravated by economic considerations, due to 
Upper Canada's position with no outlet to Europe save 
through the Lower Province, which stubbornly refused to 
co-operate in works, such as canals, which would have 
benefited both provinces. The inability of the two to 
come to terms, with regard to the proportion of the 
import duties to be allotted to the Upper Province, almost 
led, in 1822, to a union of the two provinces. The French 
Canadians, however, were strongly opposed to such union, 
and the governing faction in Upper Canada was, for 
different reasons, equally hostile ; so that the British 
Government contented themselves with passing through 
Parliament provisions regarding the fiscal relations of the 
two provinces. 

In Upper Canada, as well as in Lower, political dis- 
affection at last found vent in insurrection ; but the 
actual rising was mainly due to the morbid despair of 
an individual demagogue and to the conceited self-confi- 
dence of the Lieutenant-Governor. The great majority 
of the people, who desired constitutional change, had 
no wish to obtain it by means of open rebellion. But 
here also the political breakdown gave the opportunity 
for Lord Durham's drastic remedies. 

In a brief sketch little need be said of the early years Maritime 
of the Maritime Provinces. We have seen that Nova 5?" 


Scotia was at first neglected ; but in 1749 Halifax was 
founded as a port and place of arms, at which old soldiers 
and sailors were assisted to settle. Henceforth Halifax 
gave the dominant note to the colony and made its 
character pre-eminently conservative and British. Still 
in Nova Scotia there was discontent on the subject of 
quit -rents and the favoured position of the English Church, 
and there was the same grievance as in Canada regard- 
ing 'the family compact'. New Brunswick had its own 
special grievance in the reservation of large tracts of 
land for the growth of masts for the Royal Navy. When, 
at last, by the Ashburton Treaty in 1842, the old boundary 
question was settled, the settlement arrived at proved 
very distasteful to the British province ; but authorities 

K 2 


are now mainly agreed that the mischief arose from the 
inconvenience of the colonial boundaries of Nova Scotia 
and Massachusetts, and that, given the past conditions, 
Lord Ashburton was fortunate in obtaining for Great 
Britain as much as he did. Cape Breton Island was for 
a time a separate government, but in 1820 it was re- 
annexed to Nova Scotia. The refusal of the British 
Government to allow, at first, the coal-mines to be worked 
throws a curious light on the colonial policy of the time. 
St. John's Island, renamed Prince Edward Island in 1798, 
was made a separate government in 1770. Nearly the 
whole of the island was in 1767 alienated on one day, 
mostly to absentees ; a heritage of trouble which was not 
finally ended till nearly a hundred years later. 
Lord Lord Durham made two main recommendations, the 

recom m S uruon of the Canadas and the granting of full responsible 
menda- government. The Home Government adopted his first 
union and recommendation and decided tentatively to introduce 
respon- a modified form of responsible government. Holders of 
govern- official posts were clearly to understand that they had no 
vested right to their offices during good behaviour. At 
the same time full ministerial responsibility to a colonial 
assembly appeared to Lord John Russell and most British 
statesmen of the time incompatible with the maintenance 
of colonial subordination. Durham's successor, Lord 
Sydenham, solved the difficulty by becoming, through the 
exercise of great industry and tact, his own first minister ; 
but few men were capable of such exertions, and after 
Sir C. Metcalfe had with temporary success endeavoured 
to withstand the incoming tide, Lord Elgin recognized to 
the full in 1848 the principle of responsible government. 
Henceforth the Governor stood above and outside the 
disputes of parties, in the position of a constitutional 
monarch, when domestic questions were concerned, 
though ready to exert his authority should imperial 
interests be affected. About the same time, or a little 
later, the Maritime Provinces and Newfoundland, whose 
uneventful history need not detain us here, were granted 
the same form of government. It is characteristic of 



British ways that this great change could be made quietly, 
without legislative enactment. But although the Home 
Government threw no obstacles in the way, the path of 
colonial political development was by no means easy. 
Responsible government means party government ; and 
the circumstances of a new country are not such as to 
make party government a simple matter. In Canada the 
subject was further complicated by the existence, side by 
side, of French and English, regarding public questions 
from a different point of view, even when they shared 
common names. It was the deadlock which occurred 
under the union that led Canadian politicians to reconcile 
themselves to the idea of federation. But another cause 
was at work making for such federation. The Canada we 
have hitherto spoken of was merely that portion of the 
Dominion which is now included in Quebec and Ontario ; 
but the conception of a Greater Canada was slowly 
dawning, which should include British North America 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. In 1789 Alexander The 
Mackenzie followed the course of the river named after °Ft£ mg 
him from the Great Slave Lake to the Pacific. In 1793 far west 
he crossed the Rocky Mountains and reached the Pacific 
somewhere about the mouth of Simpson's River, taking 
possession of the country in the name of Canada. But 
nothing was done in the way of effective occupation, except 
that the North-West Company erected posts for the fur 
trade between the Grand Portage and the Great Slave 
Lake. In 1811, however, Lord Selkirk obtained a grant 
from the Hudson's Bay Company and founded a settle- 
ment of Scottish Highlanders in the valley of the Red 
River on the future site of Winnipeg. In spite of the 
hostility of the North-West Company the settlement 
continued to exist ; but it was not till it became a part 
of the Dominion that it became prosperous. In the 
forties of the nineteenth century the question of the 
ownership of the territories west of the Rocky Mountains 
came in question between Great Britain and the United 
States. An agreement of 1818 had made a line drawn 
from the most north-western point of the Lake- of -the 


Woods along the line of 49° N. lat. the boundary as 
far as the Rocky Mountains ; but nothing had been said 
as to the lands beyond. This Oregon territory comprised 
what is now British Columbia as well as the American 
States of Washington, Oregon, and Idaho, an area of 
some 600,000 square miles. The whole of this vast area 
was claimed by both Powers, though Great Britain, 
through the Hudson's Bay Company, was at first most 
active in the assertion of its rights. In 1843, however, 
a great influx of Americans into the country altered the 
aspect of affairs. For a time there was danger of war, 
but in 1846 the matter was settled by the continuation of 
the boundary line westward along the line of 49° N. lat. 
to the middle of the channel separating Vancouver Island 
from the continent, so as to give the whole of Vancouver 
Island to Great Britain. Vancouver Island made little 
progress while under the rule of the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany, and it was only the discovery of gold in the Fraser 
River, in 1856, which led to the development of what 
became in 1858 a Crown colony under the name of British 
Columbia. British Columbia and Vancouver Island were 
united in 1866, and the way was thus prepared for their 
entrance into the Canadian Confederation, which took 
place in 1871, the government of the Dominion under- 
taking to secure the completion of a railway connecting the 
sea- board of British Columbia with the railway system of 
Canada within ten years. 
The It will have been noted that British Columbia and 

provinces. Canada were separated by the domains of the Hudson's 
Bay Company, on which there had been no agricultural 
settlement save on the Red River. But, in time, Canadian 
statesmen came to recognize that this vast area was their 
natural hinterland, subject, so long as it remained a no 
man's land, to the risk of an American influx of settlers. 
The difficulty was with regard to the legal position of 
the Hudson's Bay Company, whose rights many Canadians 
denied. In 1869, however, an agreement was arrived at, 
under which the Company, in return for £300,000 and 
a large grant of lands, surrendered their territorial rights 


in the north-west to the Crown. In 1870 Manitoba was 
made a province of the Dominion, while the North-West 
Territories received a territorial government. The leading 
feature in the recent history of Canada has been the 
development of the west. In 1905 the new provinces of 
Saskatchewan and Alberta were carved out of the North- 
West Territories. Population has grown by leaps and 
bounds, Great Britain and the United States vying with 
each other in taking the lead in providing settlers. As 
in the United States so in Canada, the centre of political 
power tends to shift from the east to the central west. 
What will be the ultimate result we cannot tell ; but 
already Canada is becoming a nation, ready to undertake 
the responsibilities of a nation. The colonial status is 
becoming a thing of the past ; and in the British Empire 
of to-morrow the Dominion of Canada will take its place 
as an equal partner, with common obligations as well as 

The West Indies 

No greater contrast could be imagined than the position Early 
of the West Indies in the seventeenth and eighteenth J^nceTof 
centuries and their position to-day. They then were held West 
to exceed in importance the continental colonies and the colonies 
statistics of their trade justified such an opinion. From 
the point of view of the mercantile system, indeed, these 
islands were ideal colonies ; their products being of such 
a character as did not involve competition with the 
English producer. In spite of the warmth of their climate 
the West Indies were not mere plantations for production, 
they were also settlements of men. The system of slavery 
in time put an end to white labour, except in the form 
of overseers ; but, at first, especially in Barbados, there 
was a considerable population of the lower classes. 
Moreover, the system of government introduced was the 
same as that of the American colonies. Government by 
a Governor, a nominated Council, and a representative 
Assembly prevailed. 

Closely connected with the West Indies, though not Bermuda. 


strictly belonging to them, and outside the tropics, is 
Bermuda. These islands first attracted the notice of the 
English through the shipwreck there of Sir G. Somers on 
his way to Virginia in 1609. In 1615 a chartered company 
was formed for the development of the islands, some 
emigrants having been already sent out. The rule of the 
chartered company proving distasteful to the settlers, its 
charter was abolished. The chief business of the inhabi- 
tants was the building and navigating of light sloops, 
employed chiefly in the trade between North America 
and the West Indies. But the population for many years 
tended to diminish. At present such prosperity as the 
Bermudas enjoy is owing to the fact that they are a 
station for the British Navy, and a health resort for 
visitors from the mainland of North America. 
Distinct The presence of the English in the West Indies was 
butcom- ass i stec * by the neglect by the Spanish of the smaller 
mon eco- islands in their eagerness for gold. Although the political 
history, history of the various groups has been distinct, economi- 
cally they have generally followed the same lines. In all 
of them slave labour from West Africa performed manual 
operations. Sugar, for the most part, superseded other 
agricultural products ; so that when slavery was abolished 
(1835) and the preferential treatment of West Indian sugar 
ceased in the British market, through the adoption of 
free trade, the economic position of the West Indies 
became very precarious. The encouragement of the 
growth of beet sugar in Europe, by means of bounties, 
made matters worse ; but the growth of products other 
than cane sugar, together with restrictions for some years 
on the bounty system in European countries, has restored 
to some extent confidence and prosperity ; while no 
little may be expected from a system of mutual prefer- 
ences between Canada and the West Indies, and generally 
from the growing connexion of these islands and of 
British Guiana with British North America. 
Early The West Indies consist of ( 1 ) the Bahamas, (2) Jamaica, 

with its dependencies the Turks and Caicos Islands and 
the Caymans, (3) the Leeward Islands, (4) Barbados, 



(5) the Windward Islands, and (6) Trinidad and Tobago. 
Upon the mainland are (7) British Honduras and (8) 
British Guiana. The Bahamas, first formally settled in 
1670, having already for years been a shelter for pirates, 
'are mainly noteworthy as a connecting link between the 
West Indian semicircle and the American mainland. 
Jamaica was taken from Spain in 1655 by an English 
expedition which had aimed at Hispaniola. The Spanish 
population had been small ; but Cromwell encouraged 
immigration to the island, and, on the accession of 
Charles II, Jamaica was given a representative Assembly. 
Its fortunes were for some years largely bound up with 
those of the buccaneers. Thus we find Henry Morgan 
the buccaneer, who in 1670 sacked Panama, afterwards 
lieutenant-governor of the island. Owing mainly to its Jamaica. 
size Jamaica took the lead among the West India islands ; 
and it is curious to find on this little stage constitutional 
pretensions which rivalled those of the American colonies. 
An earthquake in 1692 caused the destruction of the first 
capital, Port Royal ; but Kingston rose to importance on 
its ashes, and during the eighteenth century Jamaica grew 
rich on the moneys expended by British fleets. The 
black population grew rapidly ; and nowhere were the 
consequences of slave emancipation more severely felt or 
more bitterly resented. Economic unrest no doubt was 
closely connected with the political bitterness which found 
vent in a little rebellion in 1865. The action of Governor 
Eyre in applying martial law was much criticized in 
England ; and the end of the matter was that the white 
colonists voluntarily abandoned their old constitution and 
Jamaica became a Crown colony ; an elective element in 
the legislative Assembly being, however, restored in 1884. 
Jamaica is fortunate in its climate, its harbours, and its 
fertility. Fruit is the principal article of export, but 
sugar is still an important product ; Jamaica rum 
maintains its reputation and coffee is grown on the Blue 
Mountains. The Leeward Islands include, among other Leeward 
islands, Antigua, St. Kitts, Nevis, Montserrat, Dominica, Islands - 
and the Virgin Islands. In 1625 St. Kitts was amicably 


divided between England and France. This little island 
was the point from which Nevis, Antigua, and Montserrat 
were settled. Dominica, however, remained generally 
a French possession till the Peace of Paris, 1763, gave it 
to England. 
Barbados. Unlike the Leeward Islands, which often changed 
masters, Barbados has remained throughout its history 
English. First settled in 1625 or 1627, it had in .1636 
an estimated English population of some 6,000. Its 
population was further increased by royalist immigrants 
flying from the oppression of Parliament ; so that in 1656 
there were said to be at least 25,000 Christians. Cromwell 
found it necessary to bring to terms Barbados as well as 
Virginia ; and it is noteworthy that the Barbadians made 
the better show of resistance. The importance of the 
island is further shown by the fact that it seems at one 
time to have been intended to allow it representation in 
the English Parliament. It was called in 1663 the 
metropolis of the West Indies ; and it provided settlers 
for Jamaica, Tobago, and other islands. Inasmuch as 
it lies further out to sea, the climate of the island is 
better suited for Europeans than that of the other 
Wind- Of the Windward Islands, consisting of St. Lucia, 

Islands. St. Vincent, and Grenada, little need here be said. By 
the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748, St. Lucia and 
St. Vincent, as well as Dominica and Tobago, were 
recognized as neutral. Under the Treaty of Paris, 1763, 
St. Vincent and Grenada were ceded to Great Britain and 
St. Lucia restored to France. The latter, however, became 
definitely British by the Treaty of 1814. Although 
Trinidad was included in English grants, it remained 
exclusively Spanish until, after being conquered in 1797, 
it was recognized by the Peace of Amiens, 1802, as a 
British possession. The main feature in the history of 
the colony during the nineteenth century was the introduc- 
tion of many thousands of coolie immigrants from India. 
These people, remaining in the island after the termination 
of their period of service, have altered the character of 


the population and have greatly helped to bring about 
prosperity. Cocoa is now of greater importance than is 
sugar ; and asphalt has become a source of wealth. 
Tobago first became a recognized British possession by 
the Peace of 1763. Ceded to France in 1783, it became 
finally British in 1814, and in 1899 was attached to 

British Honduras owed its origin to the log-cutting for British 
many years carried on by the English on the shores of a^s. 
the bay. The Peace of 1763 formally recognized British 
rights to the log-cutting ; and in 1798 a Spanish invading 
force was defeated. Henceforth British Honduras was 
recognized as a British colony. 

Of more importance is British Guiana in South America. British 
Although there were English settlements in the seven- mana - 
teenth century in Surinam, in what is now Dutch Guiana, 
the present province of British Guiana was exclusively 
Dutch till its conquest by the English in the great war with 
France. In 1814 Essequibo, Demerara, and Berbice were 
definitely ceded to Great Britain. Even more than in 
Trinidad coolie immigration has altered the character of 
the population, so that now more than one-third is of 
Indian origin. British Guiana produces more sugar than 
any other West Indian colony and a considerable amount 
of gold. The settlement of the boundary questions with 
Venezuela and Brazil has been of much benefit to the 
colony. It was the foresight and energy of a Dutch 
governor in the eighteenth century which enabled Great 
Britain to justify her claims in 1899 under arbitration. 

In striking contrast to the tropical West Indies are the Falkland 
wind-swept Falkland Islands. First occupied by Great Islands - 
Britain in 1765, for some time they were abandoned ; 
but in 1832 British sovereignty was again asserted, and in 
1843 a civil government was established. Their main 
product is wool, and sheep -farming is the chief industry 
of the small British community. 



Ascen- Before dealing with the African mainland mention may 

Helena, De made of the islands Ascension, St. Helena, and Tristan 
T ri p ai \ da Cunha, in the South Atlantic. Ascension was occupied 
' by the British in 1815 and remains still under the control of 
the Admiralty. It has been described as ' a series of ex- 
tinct volcano cones ' and suffers from want of water. The 
climate, however, is healthy. St. Helena was occupied by 
the English East India Company as early as 1651. Taken 
by the Dutch and recovered from them in the seventeenth 
century, St. Helena first acquired fame as the prison 
house of Napoleon. It came under the control of the 
Crown in 1834, but its importance is now very small. 
The three islands of Tristan da Cunha were occupied by 
the British in 1816, but the garrison was removed in the 
following year. An artilleryman, who remained behind 
with his wife and family, was the founder of the little 
community which is still in existence. 
West The West African posts established by England were 


in close connexion with the West Indies. There was no 
question of settlement ; and the stations set on foot were 
mere trade depots. Unhappily the most lucrative trade 
was that in human life, so that the slave trade, in effect, 
swallowed up all others. The devastation left by it 
continued long after its abolition and prevented for many 
years the development of West Africa. In 1618 forts 
were erected on the Gambia and at Cormantine on the 
Gold Coast by an Africa Company chartered in the 
same year. It was not till the development of the growth 
of sugar in the West Indies that the English began to 
take an active part in the slave trade. In 1662 another 
Africa Company received its charter, for the purpose of 
supplying slaves to the English West Indies. It met with 
failure and was reconstituted under the title of the Royal 
Africa Company. The monopoly enjoyed by this company 
was very unpopular in the West Indies. The value 
attached to the slave trade was shown by the care taken 


to secure for Great Britain at the time of the Peace of 
Utrecht the Assiento contract, under which the English 
Company secured for thirty years the right to introduce 
4,800 slaves a year into the Spanish colonies. But the 
business proved by no means profitable ; indeed, hardly 
at any time does the slave trade appear to have been 
profitable. Cheap slave labour was so essential to the 
islands that only for a brief period was a monopoly allowed 
to any one company ; but, without such a monopoly, the 
task of maintaining forts and trading posts put an unfair 
burden on the shoulders of the chartered company. At 
last in 1763 the Crown recognized its responsibility for 
the Gambia district ; but even as late as 1821 the forts 
on the Gold Coast were placed under the control of the 
merchants trading to Africa. 

On the Gold Coast the English and the Dutch were the English, 
chief competitors. Cormantine was taken from the former, an ^ c ' 
who strengthened in its stead Cape Coast Castle. North French 
of the Gold Coast, the French had for the most part the tkm Pe 
predominance along the Senegal river, and the English 
along the Gambia. The raison d'etre of the West African 
forts had been the protection of the slave trade. What 
was to happen when that trade was abolished (1807) ? 
No effort had been made to penetrate the interior and 
nothing in the nature of colonization had been attempted. 
At first these posts remained useful for the purposes of 
suppressing the slave trade. Already in 1787 the colony 
of Sierra Leone had been established as an asylum for 
negroes escaping from the system of slavery ; and a 
complete withdrawal by Great Britain from West Africa 
would have been stoutly resisted by the philanthropic 
bodies, which were of great political importance in the 
first half of the nineteenth century. A kind of tertium 
quid between abandonment and the assumption of com- 
plete sovereignty was attempted on the Gold Coast, by 
means of the merchants' government. But such a system 
was inevitably provisional ; and in 1843 the British 
Government again took over the Gold Coast, though it 
did not become a separate colony till 1850. In the same 


year the purchase of the Danish forts largely added to 
the hinterland of the colony. 

Meanwhile further cessions were obtained on the 
Gambia, and the limits of Sierra Leone greatly extended ; 
while in 1861, with a view to the suppression of the 
slave trade, the island of Lagos was ceded to Great 
Britain But, though the ultimate expansion of the British 

France colonies may have been inevitable, it was very little to 
1865-84. the mind of British public men in the middle of the 
nineteenth century. In 1865 a House of Commons 
Committee reported that any further extension of territory 
would be inexpedient ; and that the natives should be 
rendered capable of taking over the administration with 
a view to a British withdrawal from all the colonies except 
Sierra Leone. As a preparation for this, Sierra Leone was 
made in 1866 the seat of government of all the West 
African dependencies ; but this change was only tem- 
porary, and was without consequences. In 1871 the 
cession of the Dutch forts on the Gold Coast to Great 
Britain led to the Ashanti war of 1873-4, which 
undermined the power of the Ashanti Kingdom, 
and thus afterwards indirectly led to further British 

In any case the new state of things which ensued after 
the Franco-German war of 1870-1 necessitated a change 
of policy, unless Great Britain was to hand over to others 
her possessions. Even before that war France had begun 
to aim at linking her North African Empire with 
Senegambia. From 1876 onwards the work of extending 
Senegambia to the Niger and of making the Western 
Sudan wholly French was vigorously pursued. For- 
tunately for British interests the influence of the trading 
company, which became the Royal Niger Company, 
secured the dominance of British interests in the Lower 
Niger, and in 1884 the British Government, as a counter- 
move to the annexation by Germany of Kamerun, 
established a British protectorate along the coast -line of 
the Niger delta and the Oil Rivers. 


The appearance of Germany upon the scene as a power German 
anxious for a colonial empire necessitated the partition tion \ z th " e 
of Africa. The Berlin Conference of 1885 supplied rules partition 

of Africa 

for the game, such as that occupation on the coast, to be 
recognized, must be effective. It remained to draw the 
boundary-lines between the possessions and protected 
areas of the rival powers. In order to make good the 
British claim to the Niger region a formal protectorate 
was proclaimed over the coast districts and over the 
country inland as far as the confluence of the Niger and 
the Benue, as well as over any territories in the interior 
which had become subject to the newly chartered Royal 
Niger Company, which by its charter had obtained govern- 
mental powers. The French, however, were dissatisfied 
with their share of the country watered by the Niger, and 
fear of political complications led to the assumption by 
the Crown of the administration of the Niger Company's 
territories, in 1900. The company continued as a trading 
concern ; but its political work, the acquisition to Great 
Britain of Nigeria, had been accomplished. 

In 1898 a successful delimitation of the French and Anglo- 
English boundaries was at last arrived at. West Africa boun- 
began to be regarded not merely from the point of view Varies: 
of the coast when in 1797 the African Association sent 
out Mungo Park to explore the Upper Niger ; and 
subsequent explorers, Tuckey, Clapperton, Lander, and 
Laing, carried on the same work ; but the principle that 
Great Britain's interests in West Africa were not bounded 
with the coast never received formal expression till the 
Niger Company undertook the task of creating out of 
the district watered by the Niger a new India. Southern 
Nigeria was first joined to Lagos. In 1906 the colony 
of Southern Nigeria was formed and was amalgamated 
with the Lagos colony and protectorate. Now, owing 
to the railway, it is possible to combine the two Nigerias. 
Northern Nigeria consists of some 256,000 square miles, 
Southern Nigeria of 80,000 square miles. The population 
of the country is about seventeen millions, Northern Nigeria 
being mainly dominated by a semi-Semitic race of a 


comparatively advanced civilization. The work of railway 
development has been extensively undertaken, a railway 
now going as far as Kano ; and with that development 
the suitability of the country for the growth of cotton 
and other products will be proved. In the partition of 
Africa, in area the share of France exceeds that of Great 
Britain ; but it does not follow that the latter has come 
off second best in the struggle. 
British In East Africa no less than in West Africa the machinery 

Africa- °^ a cnar tered company supplied the means by which 
Uganda: time was given to public opinion at home to accustom 
itself to the idea of expansion. Just as, but for Sir R. 
Goldie, Nigeria would now probably be French, so, 
but for Sir W. MacKinnon, British East Africa would 
now almost certainly be German. British East Africa 
includes British East Africa proper and the Uganda 
Protectorate. British interests in East Africa were at 
first limited to the suppression of the slave trade ; and 
when, in 1877, the Sultan of Zanzibar offered to Great 
Britain a concession of the coast-line along the mainland, 
the offer was rejected. As elsewhere, German intervention 
led to a change of policy on the part of Great Britain ; 
and an agreement of 1886 attempted to settle partially 
the respective spheres of influence of the two Powers. 
This agreement led in 1887 to a grant from the Sultan of 
Zanzibar of the East African coast-line between the Umba 
river and Kipini to Sir William MacKinnon and the 
British East African Association, which in 1888 received 
a royal charter under the name of the Imperial British 
East Africa Company. To this company was owing the 
consolidation of British interests. British influence was 
established in the interior in Uganda, and a satisfactory 
boundary secured between the British and German spheres 
of influence ; Germany recognizing the Umba river as its 
northern boundary, and all between the Umba and Juba 
rivers as British. The Sultan of Zanzibar had already 
accepted the protection of Great Britain. But the work 
undertaken by the British East Africa Company was more 
than it could perform. It was necessary to secure the 


control of Uganda ; whilst there were still fears that 
Germany was meditating its annexation. Captain Lugard, 
who represented the company, was unable to prevent the 
outbreak of a fierce civil war between the Catholic and 
Protestant factions of Uganda, though he succeeded in 
bringing it to a close. The expenses, however, connected 
with the administration of the country were more than 
the company could meet, and in 1891 it felt constrained 
to withdraw from Uganda. The Home Government, after 
some hesitation, decided against a withdrawal, which 
would have meant a renunciation of any share in the work 
of the suppression of slavery and of the development of 
the future commerce of East and Central Africa. The 
British East Africa Company surrendered its charter, in 
return for a money payment, a British protectorate over 
Uganda having been already proclaimed. The limits of 
Uganda now extend as far as the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. 
The importance, from the point of view of Egyptian 
interests, of retaining the control of the region from which 
start the Nile waters is clear enough. 

Unlike Uganda, the hill country of British East Africa 
appears to be a white man's country, where settlers can 
rear children. Hitherto the most important thing con- 
nected with the colony has been the construction of 
a railway from Mombasa on the coast to a point on the 
north-eastern corner of Victoria Nyanza, a distance of 
580 miles. Its construction proved a costly operation ; 
but its utility is already apparent. 

In connexion with British East Africa brief mention Anglo- 
may be made of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan over which Sudan!*" 1 
Great Britain and Egypt now share the sovereignty. Its 
definite abandonment, after the failure of the relief ex- 
pedition and the death of General Gordon, in January 
1885, had never been approved either in Egypt or England ; 
and, when the Egyptian army had been reorganized, it 
was determined at once to regain the country for civiliza- 
tion and to forestall any foreign designs. The complete 
reconquest of the Sudan was the work of three years, 
1896-9 ; the railway from Cairo to Khartoum being 

1321.6 l 


opened in the latter year. The British advance was only 
just in time, as, when Kitchener arrived at Khartoum in 
1898, he found a French expedition from the Congo 
already stationed at Fashoda, some 400 miles up the 
Nile. It was, however, induced to withdraw ; and the 
French in 1899 agreed to recognize the British position in 
the Sudan in return for the recognition of their position 
in Tunis. It was of necessity the work of years for the 
country to revive after the waste of life and property 
caused by the wars of the Mahdi ; but the soil seems 
well suited to valuable crops, such as cotton, and under 
the aegis of the Pax Britannica a new generation is 
growing up to a life of industry and prosperity. 
British British Somaliland must be considered along with 

fand? h " British East Africa ; it being part of that horn of Africa 
wherein Great Britain, France, Italy, and Abyssinia have 
spheres of influence. The partition of Somaliland was 
due to the retirement of the Egyptian garrisons in 1884. 
At first the British protectorate was under the charge of 
the British Resident at Aden, but in 1898 a separate 
commissioner was appointed to British Somaliland. 
Effective occupation is confined to the coast, where the 
harbour of Berbera is of some importance. The doings 
of the Mullah in the interior have given an unfortunate 
prominence to Somaliland. 
South In broad contrast with the African tropical depen- 

Dutch : dencies, which we have been hitherto considering, stands 
settlers the Union of South Africa, at the present time a great 
English self-governing dominion, ranking with Canada and 
mission- Australia. Cape Colony was captured from the Dutch, 
to forestall a French attack, in 1795. Restored at the 
Peace of Amiens, it was again taken in 1806, and hence- 
forth remained a British possession, a money compensa- 
tion being paid to Holland after the settlement of 1814. 
The Dutch East India Company, to whom Cape Colony 
had belonged, had been obliged to acquiesce reluctantly 
in the expansion of the settlements ; but the outlying 
farmers had led a very primitive life, coming little in 
contact with forms of government. The country had 



originally been occupied by Bushmen and then by 
Hottentots, but in the seventeenth century Kaffir tribes 
from the north invaded the eastern district of Cape 
Colony. Already before the British conquest there had 
been two Kaffir wars ; and for years relations with the 
natives were the dominant factor in the history of the 
country. The Dutch farmers were a grim and dour race, 
sometimes capable of acts of cruelty ; but they seem to 
have understood the natives better than Englishmen at 
home, treating them as children, and not on a footing 
of equality. The English missionaries, on the other hand, 
who had the support of the powerful philanthropic 
interest in England, insisted that natives and Europeans 
were equals, at any rate when Christians ; and made 
continual complaints at home of the doings of the Dutch 
population. The British governors and officials were 
generally in sympathy with the Dutch colonists ; but 
their policy was largely dictated from home ; and that 
policy ran counter to Dutch prejudices. It was this 
divergence, rather than the autocratic character of the 
government, which created Dutch discontent. The 
government was indeed an autocracy ; but the Dutch 
did not resent this, so long as it did not interfere with 
them ; and they were very far from desiring representa- 
tive institutions. 

The manner of the introduction of slave emancipation, Insta- 
rather than the Act itself, was resented ; but the real B r itf s h 
grievance was the conviction that the authorities would policy 
neither protect the people against native aggression, nor Africa. 
allow them to take measures for their own protection. It 
was this conviction which brought about the exodus of 
1836-7 which was big with future consequences to the 
British Empire. These ' trekkers ' emigrated to escape 
British administration ; but the British Government, 
whilst it refused them protection, maintained that by no 
act of theirs could they cease to be British subjects. 
Moreover, Great Britain, as the paramount power in South 
Africa, could not ignore proceedings which might danger- 
ously react upon her own relations with the native races. 



Between the natural desire to restrict their sphere of 
operations, and the expansion inevitable when responsi- 
bility was recognized, British statesmen retired and moved 
forward in a manner puzzling to the Boers and humiliating 
to themselves. The neighbourhood of the sea made 
necessary the annexation of Natal in 1843, and a few 
years later (1848) an active British governor assumed the 
sovereignty over the Orange River Free State. After 
some demur, that sovereignty was acquiesced in, the more 
intractable of the Boers retiring north to the Transvaal. 
But British immigration had only just begun to affect the 
character of the population when again a change was 
made, and in 1854 the Orange River State again became 
independent (Great Britain had already in 1852 recognized 
the complete independence of the Transvaal). The 
abandonment of the Orange River sovereignty was due 
to considerations of expense, the astute King of the 
Basutos knowing how to excite the fears of British and 
Dutch, without risking his kingdom. The political con- 
nexion of the Orange River State with Cape Colony was 
so obviously expedient that in 1858 its Dutch population 
would have been willing to enter into a federal system 
with Cape Colony. At the time the British Government 
put its veto on any such proposal ; and, when it was 
again brought forward at a later date, racial antagonism 
and prejudice had stiffened, so that the measure thrust 
upon South Africa (1877) by Lord Carnarvon was ignored. 
Annexa- Meanwhile, though the Orange River Free State pursued 
theTrans- a peaceful existence, the Transvaal Boers to the north 
vaal. experienced the difficulties which beset those who would 
combine practical anarchy and a system of government. 
In 1876 the republic was bankrupt and seemed to have 
lost its old skill in the control of its native neighbours. 
A Zulu chief had formed a powerful military organization ; 
and it was thought necessary in the general interests of 
South Africa that Great Britain should annex the Trans- 
vaal. At first the annexation was received with apparent 
acquiescence, though there was an undercurrent of sullen 
hostility ; but when the Zulu power had been shattered, 


and when moreover the promises held out of local self- 
government were not redeemed, whilst, on the other 
hand, the payment of taxation was enforced in a manner 
most repugnant to Boer instincts, discontent gathered 
strength and meaning. When a change of government in 
England did not lead to the consequences which were 
expected from Mr. Gladstone's Midlothian speeches, that 
discontent embodied itself in action . There were , no doubt , 
strong reasons against attempting to hold down by force 
a people determined upon independence, and Dutch 
opinion throughout South Africa had to be reckoned with. 
Still, the moment chosen for the recognition of indepen- 
dence, just when British troops had suffered an ignominious 
defeat, was unfortunate, in that it encouraged a feeling 
of contempt for England which became manifest in later 

A nominal suzerainty was indeed preserved for Great South 
Britain ; but, in the absence of force or moral authority, ^"ubii 
such a paper bulwark was a mere waste of words. In 
1884 the title of South African Republic was restored 
and its limits extended in the west. Later (1888) new 
territories were added on the south-east ; and in 1894 
Swaziland came under the control of the republic. The 
discovery of rich goldfields on the Rand (1886) gave it 
the sinews of war. Immigrants had been at first invited 
to develop the country ; but, when they came in great 
numbers, the shrewd and suspicious old President, 
P. Kruger, determined that they should not share in the 
government, so as to endanger Dutch supremacy. At 
the same time the Boers were unable to provide efficient 
administration ; and the existence of wealth brought with 
it the attendant evils of jobbery and corruption. The 
outlanders in Johannesburg, to a great extent British 
subjects, treated as pariahs in a country which had 
covenanted equal opportunities to all white people, 
bitterly resented their treatment . The British Government 
sought to assist them, but was powerless against the 
determination of Kruger. Natural sympathy with men 
of the same race may have had a less simple side in the 


desire to wrest from Boer hands the goldfields ; and the 
abortive Jameson Raid of the winter of 1895-6 may have 
reflected both aspirations. In any case this ill-contrived 
proceeding precipitated matters, because it enlisted Dutch 
sympathy with the Boers throughout South Africa, and 
thus encouraged Kruger in his obdurate policy, whilst it 
weakened the hands of the British Government and made 
interference on their part invidious and difficult. 

In 1897 the presence in South Africa of a strong High 
Commissioner, Sir A. Milner, brought matters to a crisis. 
Acting on his advice, the Home Government insisted upon 
the grant of civic rights to the outlanders. Kruger was 
willing to move some way in this direction ; but only on 
condition that complete independence was secured from 
Great Britain. 
The war The negotiations therefore fell through, and a three 
Snk>n he y ears ' war (1899-1902) had to decide which Power should 
be paramount in South Africa. Paradoxical as it may 
seem, the Boers, after a fiercely contested war, were more 
friendly disposed to the British than they had been ever 
in the past ; and the boldness of the Liberal Govern- 
ment, in giving to the new colonies full responsible 
government, encouraged a frame of mind through which 
the actual union of South Africa became possible. The 
eastern district of Cape Colony had become mainly 
British through the immigration of 1820 and 1821 ; and 
in all the colonies Dutch and British existed side by side. 
The divisions were purely artificial, and such patriotism 
as existed was racial rather than local. In this state of 
things, when men once realized the necessity of union 
amongst the white people in the face of a black majority, 
and the economic risks attending disunion through hostile 
tariffs and rival railway systems, the political constitution 
adopted (1909) was a union, not a federation. 
Rhodesia. For the present, however, an important portion of 
South Africa stands outside this union. Although others 
may have had a hand in the political negotiations which 
preserved Mashonaland and Matabeleland for Great 
Britain, that these countries, under the name of Rhodesia, 


have become a thriving and important portion of the 
Empire is wholly due to the foresight and energy of Cecil 

In 1889 the British South Africa Company obtained its British 
charter, and in the following year a body of pioneers ^Mca 
founded Salisbury. Progress was for some years delayed Company. 
by the warlike character of the Matabeles, and, when this 
difficulty was surmounted, by the South African War. The 
task of opening out a new country is of necessity slow, and 
scarcity of labour has added to the difficulty ; but 
Southern Rhodesia, abounding as it does with minerals 
and possessing a more fertile soil than is found in the other 
colonies, must in time become the home of a large white 
population, and will no doubt, when its initial difficulties 
are surmounted, take its place in the Union of South 
Africa. It already possesses the advantage of an excellent 
railway system ; and the Cape to Cairo railway now 
reaches some hundreds of miles beyond the Victoria Falls 
on the Zambesi. 

In addition to the portions of South Africa inhabited 
by Europeans are Basutoland and the Bechuanaland 
Protectorate, as yet under the control of the British 
Crown, and Northern Rhodesia, which is part of the 
domain of the British South Africa Company. 

Bordering north-east Rhodesia lies the Nyasaland Nyasa- 
Protectorate, founded on the main scene of Livingstone's p^ ec . 
labours as explorer and missionary. In 1891 a British torate. 
protectorate was proclaimed over Nyasaland and the Shire 
district. Slave raiders for years devastated the country ; 
but with their removal its natural fertility should bear 
good fruit. 

The island of Mauritius and its dependencies, Rodriguez Mauritius. 
and other islands, belong geographically to Africa ; though 
historically and politically they have been attached 
to Asia. Used as a port of call by the Portuguese and 
afterwards partly planted by the Dutch, Mauritius first 
came into prominence when a French possession, during 
the government (1735-46) of the French admiral, 
Labordonnais. Through him the Isle of France (as it was 


then called) promised to play a great part in securing 
French ascendency in India ; but his quarrels with 
Dupleix and the fears of the French East India Company 
prevented the fulfilment of these hopes. Mauritius, 
however, continued to prosper after the French reverses 
in India ; and the French character of its present popula- 
tion proves how strong was the hold of France upon the 
island. When Napoleon again revived the idea of a French 
Oriental empire, it was natural that Mauritius should 
have been attacked by a British fleet. At the close of 
1810 the island became a British possession, along with 
Bourbon, which, however, was restored to France in 1814 
when Mauritius, with its dependencies, was recognized as 

The emancipation of the slaves in 1835 threatened 
the island with ruin. Accordingly it was sought to 
counteract the mischief by introducing coolie immigrants 
from India. This immigration has been so great that at 
the present time more than two-thirds of the population 
are of Indian stock. The main product of the island is 
sugar ; and Mauritius has suffered through the depression 
which has been experienced by that industry. In addition, 
misfortunes, such as hurricane and plague, have assailed 
the island. 
The Sey- The Seychelles Archipelago lies due north of Mauritius. 
The islands, which were first occupied by the French 
from Mauritius, were taken by the British in the Napo- 
leonic war, but no attempt was made to enforce possession 
till after the capture of Mauritius in 1810. For years the 
Seychelles remained a dependency of Mauritius, but in 
1893 they were made a separate colony. 


Early The immediate cause of the settlement of Australia 

settle- was th e need f or providing a place whither convicts might 
be sent after the independence of the United States 
had closed to them the Southern Provinces. Captain Cook 
had landed in Botany Bay in 1770, and afterwards, on 



rounding Cape York, had taken possession of the whole 
eastern coast for Great Britain. Joseph Banks had 
accompanied Cook as naturalist, and became the lifelong 
advocate of Australian settlement. The actual proposal, 
however, which the Government accepted, came from 
a Mr. Matra, who had been a midshipman in Cook's 
expedition. It was decided to establish a convict settle- 
ment at Botany Bay ; and in 1787 Captain Phillip was 
appointed the first governor. Phillip proved himself the 
right man in the right place ; and to his unremitting 
exertions the result was due that some 750 convicts were 
carried with little loss of life to a new and unknown 
destination. Botany Bay proved an undesirable site, and 
Port Jackson, the present site of Sydney, was substituted ; 
where, in the beginning of 1788, New South Wales was 
formally proclaimed a British colony. A false impression 
at home with regard to the country, together with mis- 
fortunes, caused dangerous delay in the supply of pro- 
visions, and the colony was on the point of starvation ; 
but throughout his anxieties Phillip's spirit never wavered, 
nor his belief in the future of the country. While some 
of his companions were writing home the most melancholy 
accounts, he expressed his conviction that the country 
would prove the most valuable acquisition that Great 
Britain had ever made ; and, while he conscientiously 
performed the somewhat dreary task allotted him, he aimed 
at laying the foundations of an empire by better means 
than convict labour. The Home Government, however, 
had no aspirations higher than a convict settlement, 
though the extent of the area of the colony, stretching 
from the centre of Australia to New Zealand, might 
suggest otherwise. In fact, the English were afraid of 
French competition ; and the extent of the area claimed 
is thus accounted for. For many years, however, only 
a small portion of New South Wales was occupied. Settle- 
ments were made at Parramatta and along the Hawkes- 
bury River ; and at the beginning of the nineteenth 
century stations were set up in Van Diemen's Land, which 
had been proved to be an island by Flinders. The 



tion of 
fanning : 

of convict 

introduction of merino sheep in 1803 laid the foundations 
of what is still the main wealth of the country. By this 
time free settlers were beginning to arrive ; but till the 
end of Macquarie's government (1810-18) it was still 
maintained that the country belonged to the convicts, in 
durance or emancipated, and that the free settler had no 
ground of complaint, if he chose to enter upon their 
domain. At the same time exploration was encouraged, 
and the Blue Mountains at last surmounted, the fertile 
Bathurst Plains being thus thrown open. By this and 
other discoveries the area of the colony was greatly 
increased ; while an extensive system of public works 
was carried through. Complaints from the free settlers 
led to a Government inquiry, the . result of which was 
somewhat to modify the autocratic system of government. 
It was beginning to be recognized that New South Wales 
could not be permanently a mere convict settlement, and 
that an increase of free settlement must involve a change 
of system. Meanwhile, the labours of Hume, Stuart, 
Mitchell, and other explorers made possible the develop- 
ment of new districts. In 1824 Van Diemen's Land had 
been made a separate colony, and in 1837 recognition was 
made of the new district, Port Phillip, in the south, which 
had already been started. 

By this time free settlers were being assisted to come 
to Australia. A new school of colonial reformers had 
arisen in England who resented the taint which the system 
of transportation threw on emigration generally. That 
system economically might well be defended ; and, without 
it, it is very doubtful how far, considering its distance 
and the difficulties in the way, Australia could have been 
successfully settled. But, in any case, the system was 
carried on beyond the time during which it might have 
been useful ; and it required safeguards and precautions, 
which were wholly neglected. At first the plan, under 
which convict labour was assigned to the settlers, was 
welcome to them ; but as they grew in numbers, the 
labour assigned could not meet their requirements ; 
while moral and social objections became greater. The 


system involved the maintenance of Van Diemen's Land 
as a black spot, in which the worst of the convicts were 
kept pent. It lingered on for some years because Great 
Britain would not face the expenditure that its abolition 
would involve ; but after the indictment of Sir W. Moles- 
worth's Parliamentary Report of 1838 it stood condemned. 
The attempt to reintroduce the system after its abolition 
in 1840, under another name, into New South Wales, met 
with failure, and, though that abolition at first increased 
the pressure in Van Diemen's Land, in 1852 there also 
the system was abolished. 

The policy of the colonial reformers was to encourage Theories 
immigration, by applying to it the proceeds of the sale of ° et fa_ 
the public lands. The theory of Gibbon Wakefield, their ment. 
intellectual leader, was that the reason why new com- 
munities made such slow progress was that the cheapness 
of land prevented that concentration of effort which was 
necessary for progress. If the land were sold at a sufficient 
price, a price, that is, sufficient to deter a labourer from 
becoming an owner before the progress of the settlement 
justified it, results would be more favourable. Whatever 
be thought of the theory, there can be no question but 
that the proceeds of the land sales in the forties of the 
nineteenth century brought to Australia a much-needed 

An attempt to establish a colony in Western Australia 
in 1829 met with little success ; though the Swan River 
Settlement never came to an end, and, in the course of 
years, developed into the prosperous colony of Western 
Australia. In the settlement of South Australia, in 1836, 
it was sought to avoid the evils of the earlier experiment, 
and to found a colony upon the principles of Gibbon 
Wakefield ; but the faulty system of government, under 
which the powers of administration were so divided 
between the Governor and Council and a Board of Com- 
missioners in London that they could not be exercised 
by either, prevented the experiment from having a fair 
trial. The ambitious attempt to found a colony without 
any cost to the mother country met with failure ; but, 


considering how soon success was achieved, that cost was 
Constitu- With the material and economic development of Aus- 
reforms tralia, constitutional reforms became inevitable. In 1842 
New South Wales was given a Legislative Council, two- 
thirds of which consisted of elected members. In 1850 
the government of Australia was further dealt with by 
a measure which, while separating Port Phillip from New 
South Wales under the name of Victoria, in effect gave 
the different colonial legislatures the power to amend their 
constitutions in their own way. The Bill as introduced 
contained clauses constituting a federal legislature for 
certain purposes ; but there was not the necessary public 
opinion behind such a proposal either in England or in 
Australia, and this portion of the measure had to be 
jettisoned. The Act, however, was of far-reaching impor- 
tance, as under it, in 1855-6, the Australian colonies were 
able to secure the system of responsible government 
without friction and almost without discussion. 
Discovery In 1851 the discovery of gold both in New South Wales 
g0 a * and in Victoria completely changed the whole situation. 
In Victoria especially the rush of population to the gold- 
fields caused a general dislocation of society. In these 
circumstances immigration went up by leaps and bounds ; 
and it was at first a difficult matter to keep this new and 
heady wine within the old bottles of British constitutional 
precedent. Fortunately the Act of 1850 had in effect left 
to the people the management of their own affairs ; so 
that the new element could gain its ends by obtaining for 
its views a majority in the colonial legislatures. The Home 
Government recognized that under the changed conditions 
the Australian colonies must be given the disposal of their 
own lands. As a consequence, assisted emigration directed 
from England came to an end ; although for many years 
the colonial legislatures themselves continued to assist 
Tariff Victoria had gained most by the discovery of gold, and 

questions. nencefor th took an equal place with New South Wales, 
the jealousy and rivalry of these two being marked by 


conflicting tariffs. There was some demand for a form 
of federal union ; but this jealousy and rivalry barred 
the way ; and there was no such predominant need as 
alone could influence public opinion. By far the most 
burning question was that of the land. In a new country 
the land is for the most part mainly owned by a class of 
small proprietors ; but the profits of sheep-farming in 
Australia had caused huge tracts to be held by wealthy 
capitalists for the purposes of grazing. These men were 
termed 'squatters', because they were at first mere 
tenants by sufferance and were not the freeholders. It 
proved a hard matter to reconcile the interests of the 
main industry of the colony with those of the people ; and 
such measures as were taken, being largely evaded, only 
brought about more bitterness. Consequently the class 
war between squatter and selector came to colour the 
whole political life of the community. It is maintained 
that the vicious system under which in Australia popula- 
tion has become congested in a few great towns, to the 
neglect of the country districts, has been in some measure 
due to the difficulty of obtaining land. 

In other ways the early years of Australia greatly State 
influenced its subsequent history. Starting with an socia ism# 
autocracy, wherein the State was paramount and indi- 
vidual initiative wholly absent, the Australian colonies 
naturally looked to the State to perform those services 
which in other countries have been due to individual 
enterprise. The ideas of State socialism no doubt strongly 
appealed to a democracy desirous to maintain as far as 
possible an equality of conditions ; still, its first institution 
largely depended upon past conditions. 

In all new countries, so as to avoid direct taxation, 
the revenue is mainly raised by duties upon imported 
goods ; but in Victoria the tariff was framed with the 
object of securing protection for native industry. Many 
of the gold diggers had been mechanics or factory hands, 
and, when settling at Melbourne, expected to work at their 
old trades ; but, with the high wages prevailing, European 
competition could only be surmounted by high duties on 


imported goods. The upper classes were opposed to this 
protective policy ; and its adoption caused bitter disputes 
between the Legislative Council, elected on a property 
franchise, and the more democratic popular Assembly. 
In this campaign ' tacking ', i.e. attaching controversial 
clauses to a necessary money Bill, was freely resorted 
to ; while payment of members secured the democratic 
character of the Assembly. 

In 1859 the northern portion of New South Wales was 

made a separate colony under the name of Queensland ; 

and in 1890 Western Australia obtained responsible 

government and was thus able to stand on a footing of 

equality with the other colonies. 

British The way was now open for a genuine federation, and 

Powers 101 even ^ s m ^ ne eighties had already suggested its expediency. 

in the For years it had been tacitly assumed that the islands 

of the Pacific must be a British domain ; but foreign 

Powers could not be expected to acquiesce in such an 

opinion. The French annexed the Marquesas Islands and 

Tahiti ; and, at a later date, New Caledonia. 

Meanwhile the British Government were at first unwil- 
ling to annex even Fiji ; though in 1874 they reconciled 
themselves to that step. They were not prepared, 
however, in 1878, to annex New Guinea at the instance 
of the Australian Governments, nor to resent the presence 
of the United States and of Germany in Samoa. The 
New Hebrides, however, were prevented from becoming 
wholly French. 

In 1883 the Queensland Government, on the report of 

an intended German occupation of New Guinea, sought 

to force the hands of the British Government by annexing 

the island ; but only the southern portion of New Guinea 

was, in 1884, proclaimed British territory ; Germany 

soon afterwards annexing the northern part. 

Austra- The Australasian colonies saw in all this food for 

f lf dera thought ; and an inter-colonial conference, as early as 

tion. 1883, recognized the need of some authority which should 

speak in the name of Australasia as a whole. The Federal 

Australasian Council Act of 1885 to some extent met the 


difficulty ; but the Council, through not being representa- 
tive, was unable to raise a revenue ; its legislative powers 
were closely limited, whilst it was without an executive ; 
and the refusal of New South Wales to have any share in 
its fortunes deprived it of prestige and authority. In 
1889 advantage was taken by Sir H. Parkes of a report 
on the military state of Australia to raise the question of 
a real federation. An inter-colonial Conference in 1890, 
followed by the framing of a Bill constituting the Com- 
monwealth of Australia in the following year, seemed to 
promise success ; but the defeat of Sir H. Parkes's ministry 
in New South Wales made that colony apathetic in the 
movement ; and the other colonies were unwilling to 
proceed without New South Wales. Public opinion, 
however, was at last gaining volume ; and when the Aus- 
tralian Natives' Association proposed a scheme for the 
popular election of a federal convention to frame a federal 
constitution, which should be submitted to a referendum 
of the electors, the proposal was adopted by the Australian 
premiers. A Federal Enabling Bill was passed by five of 
the Parliaments ; and in 1897-8 the Convention sat which 
drafted the final measure. But even after the Bill had 
been settled a further difficulty occurred, because in New 
South Wales it did not obtain the necessary minimum of 
votes. Some slight alterations secured the adhesion of 
New South Wales, and Queensland, which had stood outside 
the Convention, now fell into line. In 1900 the Common- 
wealth of Australia Act was passed in the British Parlia- 
ment ; and a new Power entered upon the world-stage 
of the Pacific. Already the Commonwealth is responsible 
for British New Guinea. And it has taken over from 
South Australia the Northern Territory of that state, which 
sorely needs a white population, if the ideal of a white 
Australia is to be permanently secured. 

New Zealand, although it had been declared British New 
by Captain Cook, remained for many years a no man's Zealand - 
land, the resort of whale fishermen and traders and 
criminals escaping justice. So clear was the mischief 
that a British resident was appointed in 1832 ; but as 


he had no means of enforcing his authority, his appoint- 
ment led to little. The British Government were opposed 
to the annexation of the islands, though they did not 
intend that they should fall into the hands of France. 
The missionaries, who largely guided British policy, 
feared annexation, believing that the natives could be 
better dealt with by missionary effort. These Maoris 
were a romantic and interesting race, greatly superior 
to the degraded aborigines of Australia. Colonization, 
however, was once more in the air, and a powerful associa- 
tion was set on foot to promote the settlement of New 
Zealand. At last, wearied with the delays caused by the 
Government, the New Zealand Company (into which the 
association had become merged) took the bit in its teeth, 
and dispatched a body of settlers to the island, without 
having obtained the leave of the Colonial Office. No 
doubt this action forced the hands of the Government, 
compelling them to establish British authority in New 
Zealand. At the same time the situation was by no 
means easy, because the Home Government had always 
laid stress on the independence of the Maori chiefs. 
In this state of things the wisest course was, doubtless, 
the one adopted. 

The newly appointed Lieutenant-Governor, by the 
Treaty of Waitangi, 1840, guaranteed to the Maoris the 
possession of their lands, in return for the acknowledge- 
ment of British sovereignty. So far as land-sharks were 
concerned, the intervention of the British authority was 
necessary, to safeguard native rights ; but the question 
was more difficult when, as in the case of the colonists 
sent out by the New Zealand Company, a fair price had 
been paid to the Company, and where the Company 
itself, though obtaining large tracts of land for a small 
price, had not been actuated by ignoble motives, and 
honestly believed that the lands reserved to the natives 
would in time give a valuable return. 

In any case the opposition between the Company, 
whose head- quarters were at Wellington at the extreme 
south of the North Island, and the Government, with its 


capital at Auckland, made the early years of the colony 
very difficult. Although the New Zealand Company 
ended in financial failure, it had no little share in creating 
the colony. Besides its own settlements at Wellington, 
Taranaki (New Plymouth), and Nelson, it indirectly set 
on foot the church settlements of Otago and Canterbury. 
Gibbon Wakefield drew his inspiration from the early 
history of New England, and thought that sectarian 
influences might play a leading part in founding colonies. 
The manner in which New Zealand was colonized led to 
the existence of separate provinces, having a strong local 
life and caring little for the central Government. The 
discovery of gold, however, in 1861, and the coming into 
the South Island of immigrants who cared nothing for 
provincial distinctions, altered the character of the situa- 
tion, and made the constitution of 1852, which had been 
of a semi-federal character, no longer expedient, although 
it was not till 1876 that the provincial system was 
abolished. For years the main business of the colony Relations 
was the struggle with the Maoris. The task of recon- Maoris* 3 
ciling the interests of the natives with colonial expansion 
was of necessity ticklish and difficult, and required in 
the Governor a combination of strength and tact not 
easy to find. For such a work Sir G. Grey proved him- 
self the ideal man. Becoming Governor in 1845, he was 
able to bring the first Maori war to a successful con- 
clusion, and, for the time, completely to reconcile the 
Maoris to British rule. But the settlement largely 
depended upon their faith in the Governor ; and, with 
the disappearance of Grey, trouble again began. In 1861 
he was hurried back to New Zealand again to put an end 
to another war which had broken out. But the situation 
was now more difficult. Responsible government now 
prevailed, and, with no separate funds at his disposal, 
Grey found it impossible to separate the direction of 
native affairs from the other business of the Government. 
Moreover, he overrated his powers of influencing a new 
generation of public men ; and, harassed by disputes 
with his ministry in New Zealand, with the British 

1321-6 m 


Colonial Office at home, and with the officer commanding 
the British troops, his second term of office was much 
less successful than had been his first. Still, it was his 
exertions which captured the last powerful Maori strong- 
hold, and when he was recalled in 1868 he left behind 
him a settlement of the Maori trouble which proved 
permanent, although it was not till the following year 
that military operations were brought to a close. 

The period of New Zealand history which followed was 
one of inflation fostered by profuse borrowing. Public 
works and immigration were pushed on at a rate much 
faster than the country could at the time assimilate. 
A nemesis naturally followed in the shape of depression ; 
but the sources of wealth were there, when they could be 
developed ; and after the discovery had been made 
that, by means of refrigeration, New Zealand mutton 
could find a profitable market in Europe, the tide of 
depression was successfully turned. 
Peculiar Henceforth the main business of New Zealand public 
conditions men has been, by means of taxation and the compulsory 
j 1 *? 6 ^ acquisition of estates, to secure that the profits of the 
and land shall not be the monopoly of a few. Even before 

Australia. Australia, New Zealand took the lead in the promotion of 
what is generally known as State Socialism ; the State 
fulfilling numerous activities which are in other 
countries left to private enterprise. But each new 
departure has been made from the point of view of the 
particular demand and not from any theoretic approval 
of socialism. The object has been to accelerate progress, 
where the private capitalist was unable, to step in, or to 
protect either the consumer or the worker from the 
control of the monopolist. Under the special conditions 
of New Zealand it has been found possible to set up state 
competition without ruin to the private manufacturer 
and trader ; but the task is at best a costly one, and 
stringent provisions in the laws, on behalf of labour, 
require to be balanced by provisions in the tariff, against 
foreign competition. It is the peculiar position of New 
Zealand and Australia in their own markets which makes 


the economic experiments of these active communities of 
less value to countries struggling against each other under 
the iron law of competition in neutral markets, than they 
would otherwise be. Still, making due allowances for 
this, the economic history of Australasia greatly tran- 
scends in interest its political history. 

Norfolk Island, some 1,200 miles to the north-east, Pacific 
belongs still to New South Wales. In the early years of ^ a 
the colony the little island attained notoriety as a convict 

Mention has already been made of the annexation of 
Fiji in 1874. That annexation had been often proposed ; 
but always before rejected, Great Britain having no 
desire to extend its responsibilities. But a combination 
of causes made the step inevitable. There was the 
necessity to secure humane treatment for the imported 
labourers ; there was the pressure of Australia and New 
Zealand, and lastly the growing recognition of possible 
danger to British interests from European Powers and 
the United States. A High Commissioner for the Western 
Pacific was appointed in 1877, who is also Governor of 
Fiji. New Caledonia was annexed by France and made 
a penal establishment (1864) ; and the French further 
desired to take over the New Hebrides. A compromise 
was arrived at under which a joint Anglo-French pro- 
tectorate was set on foot ; and English and French 
residents were appointed in 1902. The New Hebrides 
Convention of 1906 constituted the present condominium, 
but the arrangement, as might be expected with divided 
authority, is difficult to work. At the time of the 
annexation of north New Guinea Germany also annexed 
the Bismarck Archipelago. An Anglo-German agreement 
in 1886 sought to define the respective spheres of influence 
of the two Powers in the Pacific, and in 1899 Germany 
transferred to Great Britain her rights in the northern 
Solomon Islands and gave her a free hand in Tonga and 
Niue in return for the abandonment of British claims in 

The Cook Islands were placed under the protection 

m 2 


of New Zealand in 1889, and in 1902 became part of that 
Dominion. The Solomon Islands became a British pro- 
tectorate in 1893 and 1900. the Gilbert and Ellice Islands 
in 1892, and Tonga in 1900. Pitcairn Island is memor- 
able as the place where the mutineers of the Bounty 
found a home (1790). Their descendants were removed 
to Norfolk Island in 1856, but in 1858 and 1863 some 
of these people returned to their old home. Fanning 
Island is the head-quarters of the British cable. The 
islands of the Pacific are now divided between the different 
Powers, so that there is less risk of disputes owing to 
their competition. 


India. Mention has already been made of the foundation of 

the East India Company. It was intended as a purely 
trading concern ; and when its Dutch rival, founded in 
1602, laid the foundations of an empire, it was generally 
thought that its policy was mistaken, involving as it did 
a ruinous outlay. Nor was the English concentration 
upon India proper less accidental. At first it was sought 
to compete with the Dutch in the Eastern Archipelago, 
and it was not till the English found to their cost that 
the Dutch would brook no rival on ground they had 
made their own that they confined their efforts to the 
Indian continent. But, however averse the company 
might be to the territorial acquisitions, the conditions 
of the time required that the trade depot should be 
protected by something in the nature of a fort, so that 
such acquisition became inevitable. Surat was the first 
trade depot ; but in 1639 Fort St. George was founded 
at Madras, though at first much to the discontent of the 
home authorities. When Charles II obtained, as part 
of his wife's dowry, Bombay, he handed it over to the 
East India Company. Although a settlement was made 
in Bengal as early as 1640, it was not till 1698 that 
Fort William was built on the site of Calcutta. The 
relations between the servants of the East India Company 
and the lieutenants of the Great Mogul were throughout 

ASIA 165 

the history unsatisfactory and difficult, and it was not 
the English who first set the ball rolling which ended in 
the acquisition of an empire. The downfall of the Mogul 
power, together with the action of the French, precipi- 
tated a crisis. Whilst the English East India Company 
had been mainly concerned with the struggle for its 
existence, the French Company entered the lists to secure 
political predominance. In 1742, on the eve of the 
outbreak of war between France and Great Britain, 
Dupleix was made Governor-General of the French 
establishments. He deliberately embarked upon the 
policy of securing India for France. His idea was to 
connect himself with the intrigues of Indian politics in 
such a way as to secure the benefit to the French. For 
this purpose the first business was to make Pondicherry 
the centre of a powerful French principality in south-east 
India. In 1744 England was at war with France, and 
in any case the English could not have looked on uncon- 
cerned at Dupleix's doings. The first successes were 
with the French. Madras was taken in 1746 ; but was 
restored by the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748, in return 
for Louisburg. But temporary successes could not 
conceal the truth that ultimate victory lay with the 
Power that should secure predominance at sea. Still, 
for the time, Dupleix seemed to be successful. By his 
adroit manoeuvring he had gained by 1751 the political 
control of all southern India, and as Nabob took rank 
amongst Indian princes. Further grants extended the 
French possessions to the north and east ; and a French 
Indian empire seemed already arising. But the directors 
of the French East India Company at home had little 
sympathy with Dupleix's aspirations. A formidable 
opponent to his plans had arisen in Robert Clive, a young 
Englishman, who with better fortune was to take over 
his rival's aspirations. Operations in India were costly, 
and the French Company preferred to come to terms with 
its British enemy. Dupleix was recalled, and the empire 
which he had created was restored to the Mogul. The 
French agreed to withdraw from the Carnatic, and no 


more to interfere with the affairs of the native princes. 
The English, settled on the coast, were still willing to 
admit the political supremacy of the Mogul empire, and 
the stockholders in the Company at home were strongly 
opposed to a policy of imperial expansion. But the 
policy of peaceful trade development required as a neces- 
sary condition that there should be strong native govern- 
ments, capable of maintaining law and order ; whilst 
with the break-up of the Mogul empire, this condition 
could not be fulfilled. It was the action of a headstrong 
boy in Bengal in 1756 which brought about the change of 
policy. In 1756 Suraj-ud-Daulah became Nabob of Bengal, 
succeeding his grandfather. That ruler had been strong 
enough to compel the French at Chandernagore and the 
English at Calcutta to keep the peace, whilst their 
fellow-countrymen were fighting in the south ; by which 
means these communities had been able to carry on 
undisturbed their normal life. The more shocking was 
the action of his grandson. Calcutta was attacked at 
a time of apparent peace, and then followed the terrible 
tragedy of the Black Hole, wherein one hundred and 
twenty-three persons were literally squeezed to death. 
The news of these horrors naturally excited the indigna- 
tion of the English in Madras and Bombay, and Clive 
was dispatched from Madras with a relieving force. The 
enemy left Calcutta in a panic and the British flag was 
again hoisted at the Fort. But Clive, while greatly the 
superior of Suraj-ud-Daulah in generalship, was also his 
equal in the more shady devices of diplomacy. He 
recognized that the moment when France and Great 
Britain were again at war was not the fit moment to 
exact a due vengeance, and so a treaty was patched up, 
by which neither party, probably, intended to abide. 
Although summoned back to Madras, Clive, distrustful 
of his colleagues at Calcutta, and conscious that war 
would shortly be resumed, ignored the summons. He 
captured the French post at Chandernagore, and, obtain- 
ing evidence of Suraj-ud-Daulah's treachery, he aided and 
abetted a native conspiracy against him. It was unfortu- 

ASIA 167 

nate that his treatment of one of these native conspirators, 
whom he deluded by means of a forged paper, has left 
an indelible blot upon Olive's fame. 

But Clive in action was more than a match for his 
enemies ; and the battle of Plassey, won without the aid 
of the conspirators, in which a force of some 3,500 men 
were opposed to over 50,000, marks the beginning of the 
British Empire in India ; though for the time a new 
Nabob was recognized, who was, however, the mere 
creature of the English Company. 

In the south the decay of the Mogul empire was 
bringing its inevitable consequences. Most of the provinces 
which were in nominal allegiance to it were ravaged by 
civil war. The warlike Mahrattas levied blackmail from 
the English. Meanwhile the French under Lally, Baron 
de Tollendal, saw their opportunity. Fort St. David was 
taken and Madras besieged. But the defence was under 
the capable leadership of Major Lawrence, and the 
arrival of an English fleet, with reinforcements, caused 
the abandonment of the siege. The English were now 
in the ascendant ; in 1759 the Battle of Wandewash, won 
by Eyre Coote, followed by the surrender of Pondicherry, 
in the beginning of 1761, destroyed the French power in 
the Carnatic. Pondicherry was indeed restored at the 
peace, but its military importance was never regained. 
Attention has been called to a letter from Clive to Pitt in 
1759 in which he suggested that the British Government 
should assume the direct sovereignty of Bengal, Bihar, 
and Orissa, it being possibly an object too extensive for 
a mercantile company. It was, however, thought neces- 
sary to continue, for the present, here as well as elsewhere, 
the system of government through native lay figures, 
leaving with the Company the real power. Unhappily 
the East India Company's officials were not of the kind 
that could resist the temptations put within their grasp. 
They grew rich at the expense of the Indian people, 
while the Company was sinking under the burdens of the 
recent war. The Court of Directors, we are told, had 
long acted as mere spectators of the proceedings of their 


servants ; and, in this critical position it was thought 
necessary to send out Clive with full powers as Governor- 
General of all the Company's settlements. Arriving in 
India in the spring of 1765, he at once proceeded with the 
work of reform ; the servants of the Company being 
strictly forbidden to receive gifts. The feeble Nabob, 
whom the council had set up, was induced to surrender 
his rights to the Company ; so that the Company acquired 
the collection and administration of the revenue and 
became the direct vassal of the Mogul ; though the figure- 
head of the Nabob was still retained. Clive was unwilling 
that the Company should appear openly as the sovereign 
of Bengal. He preferred to act behind the screen of the 
native sovereignty. But still the position of the Company 
caused natural jealousy on the part of the British Govern- 
ment and Parliament ; and when, hard pressed for money, 
it was compelled to petition Parliament for a loan, advan- 
tage was taken to exact hard terms. A regulating Act 
was passed in 1773, under which the East India Company 
came under the control of the Ministry. Warren Hastings, 
who had been Governor of Bengal since 17 70, was appointed 
the first Governor- General under the Act. Unfortunately 
a council was attached to him, one member of which 
proved his bitterest enemy. As a counterweight, he had 
in the Chief Justice, now sent out, a devoted adherent ; 
and it was by his help that Hastings was partly able to 
defeat the opposition to his measures. Although the 
general verdict of history seems one of acquittal to most 
of the charges brought against him, Warren Hastings no 
doubt thought that only on the principles of Machiavelli's 
prince could Oriental duplicity be circumvented. Still, 
apart from the field of morals, there can be no question 
regarding the work of Hastings in consolidating the 
British rule in India. Not only, at a time when Great 
Britain was exposed to a hostile coalition and seemed on 
the brink of ruin, did he maintain the British position ; 
but was able greatly to extend it, so that Benares was 
annexed to the Company's domains, and the attempts of 
Hyder Ali to drive the English from the Carnatic defeated ; 

ASIA 109 

but also, in matters of internal administration, he 'educed', 
in Macaulay's words, ' at least a rude and imperfect 
order \ He transferred the direction of affairs to English 
hands, and every public office, we are told, which existed 
when he left Bengal, was his creation. 

Whatever be thought of Warren Hastings's doings, it is 
clear that the new situation brought about in India 
required some alteration in the relations between the 
Home Government and the Company. Fox's East India 
Bill of 1783, which was thrown out by the House of Lords, 
was open to the objection that it gave to the ministers 
of the day the patronage of the Company. The measure 
introduced by Pitt in the following year was more success- 
ful. By this a new Board of Control was established, to 
concern itself with purely political, military, and fiscal 
superintendence over the Company and its possessions. 
A secret committee of three directors was instituted, with 
whom the President of the Board of Control should 
communicate. As a purely trading concern the Company 
could act on its pleasure ; in other matters it could only 
act with the approval of the Home Government. The 
system involved in India the existence of a Governor- 
General and Council ; the Presidencies of Madras and 
Bombay being subordinated in political matters to the 
Governor-General in Council. Henceforth the control and 
direction of Indian affairs was no longer with the Company ; 
the great wheels of the machine being moved by the 
Government at home. Such a system inevitably produced 
friction between the Company, the Home Government, 
and the Governor-General. The latter, if a strong man, 
virtually appointed by the Crown, chafed under the 
regulations of a commercial company, while that com- 
pany found itself often assisting at proceedings which, 
however advantageous to the interests of the Empire, 
did not increase their dividends. The great work of Lord 
Cornwallis, who became Governor-General in 1786, was to 
effect a permanent settlement of the land question. By 
recognizing in the zamindars a greater degree of ownership 
than had really existed he may have done injury to the 


rayats,but at least his settlement was a great improvement 
on the haphazard state of things hitherto prevailing. 
Comwallis, though a soldier, was in favour of peaceful 
development, but the action of Tippoo Sahib, Hyder Ali's 
son, made war inevitable. Counting on French assistance, 
he hoped to retrieve the losses of his father. But the 
French were not able to help him, and when Seringapatam, 
his capital, was captured, Tippoo was forced to cede half 
his kingdom. A forward policy was more actively 
prosecuted by Lord Wellesley, who became Governor- 
General in 1798. An excuse for such a policy lay in the 
conduct of France. Napoleon, with better means of 
realizing them, was reviving the aspirations of Dupleix. 
Egypt was occupied by the French as a half-way house 
to India. Mauritius and Bourbon furnished convenient 
stations for a fleet proceeding to India, and French 
intrigues and mercenaries were active at the various 
native courts. In this state of things Wellesley considered 
that the path of safety lay in a bold offensive policy. 
The Nizam of Hyderabad was compelled to disband his 
French mercenaries, and when Tippoo refused to accept 
a British resident or to banish the French from his 
dominions, his country was at once invaded. Seringapa- 
tam was again taken, Tippoo being killed. . Mysore 
became in effect a British possession wherein the firm 
hand of Arthur Wellesley restored law and order; although 
the shadow of native sovereignty was nominally pre- 
served. The greater portion of southern India was now 
virtually British, the Nizam of Hyderabad having become 
in 1800 a British vassal. It was the resistance of the 
Maharajah to this policy of peaceful penetration which 
led to the war in 1803. A British force under Lake 
entered Delhi in triumph and rescued the Mogul from 
his subjection to the Marathas. Arthur Wellesley won 
the Battle of Assaye (1803), and before the close of the 
year a treaty was concluded which greatly crippled the 
power of the Marathas and brought them within the 
sphere of British influence. Owing to its misgovernment 
the administration of Oudh had been already (1801) taken 

ASIA 171 

over ; and it seemed as though events were moving 
rapidly in the direction of British expansion. But the 
power of the Marathas was not yet broken, and in Holkar 
they found a more competent leader than had yet 
appeared. The recall of Wellesley (1805) put off for the 
time decisive operations. The Company was growing 
weary of the great cost entailed by Wellesley 's policy. 
Great Britain itself was in the worst throes of the Napo- 
leonic war and was willing for the time to abandon 
a forward policy. Nevertheless Wellesley had ' finally 
placed the British power in a commanding position ' ; 
and, though there might be periods of reaction, it was 
his policy which for many generations in the main held 
the field. Even under Lord Minto (1807-13), although 
it was only in the Eastern Archipelago that the policy of 
annexation prevailed, the horizon of British interests 
tended to widen. His successor, Lord Hastings, returned 
to a forward policy. In the third Maratha war he finally 
broke their power. The greater portion of their lands was 
directly annexed ; and such shadow of sovereignty as 
remained to their chief became innocuous. A good system 
of administration was introduced into the annexed 
districts and the ten years of Hastings's government did 
much to consolidate and to strengthen the British rule. 
In 1823, Lord Amherst became Governor-General, in 
whose time, as the result of the first Burmese war, Assam 
and two other provinces were added to British India. 

The years 1828 to 1835, during which Lord William 
Bentinck was Governor-General, formed a period of calm 
amidst the storm clouds of expansion. Subordinate 
appointments were now thrown open to natives ; educa- 
tion was encouraged on Western fines ; whilst it was 
enacted that no native of India should by reason only of 
his religion, place of birth, or descent be disabled from 
holding any office or employment. At the same time an 
attempt was made to put down the more revolting of the 
native customs. 

But the idyllic picture of an India calmly advancing 
in the arts of peace was soon shattered. Danger from 


Russia had been apprehended since the time of Napoleon ; 
and in the thirties of the nineteenth century it seemed as 
though Russia, through Afghanistan, was threatening 
India. Afghanistan demanded impossible terms for its 
alliance. Accordingly Lord Auckland, the Governor- 
General, held it necessary to dethrone the Ameer, and 
replace him by a more subservient ruler. At first things 
went well with the British expedition ; but suddenly in 
1841 Kabul broke into revolt ; the British agents were 
killed, and the British army perished amidst the horrors 
of a winter retreat ; though a successful expedition under 
General Pollock in the following year vindicated the 
honour of the British name. In consequence of these 
troubles Sind was annexed by Lord Ellenborough. 

Meanwhile another redoubtable foe was awaiting the 
British. The Sikhs, a warrior tribe who held the Punjab, 
after the death of their able chief Ran jit Singh broke 
bounds and invaded the Company's dominions. The issue 
of the first Sikh war was that their territory was dis- 
membered, the Punjab being placed under a British 
protectorate. But the spirit of the Sikhs was not yet 
broken, and it needed another war before the Punjab 
could take its place as a British province, and its people 
reconcile themselves to British rule. The same Governor- 
General, Lord Dalhousie, who annexed the Punjab, in 
other quarters also extended the British dominion. His 
policy was not only to take over the country in cases 
of gross misgovernment by native rulers, but also so to 
do in the absence of lineal male descendants. By these 
means the limits of British India were extended ; whilst 
outrages by the King of Ava caused the annexation of 
most of the valley of the Irrawaddy. 
The Dalhousie had only left India some two years when the 

Mutiny g rea, t Indian Mutiny brought home to the public mind 
how thin was the layer of security on which the British 
dominion rested. The causes of that Mutiny were no 
doubt various. The annexation policy of Dalhousie, the 
startling triumphs of material civilization, and wars and 
rumours of wars throughout the world, caused a vague 

ASIA 173 

feeling of unrest. The Sepoys no doubt overrated their 
share in recent victories. There was the fear that the 
enforcement of the rule to serve overseas might violate 
their caste. There was the grievance connected with 
greased cartridges. And over and above these causes 
there was the fact that what had originally been a mere 
trading company had been called by the process of events 
to the responsibilities and duties of empire. It is true 
that in 1834 the trading character of the Company had 
been directly abolished ; but it did not therefore follow 
that its constitution specially fitted it to be the trustee 
for the Crown. Its weak points may have been concealed 
by the presence of strong governors-general ; still, they 
were there. Fortunately for Great Britain the Mutiny 
remained a mutiny ; and did not develop into a general 
revolt of the peoples of India ; and, though the British 
were no doubt at first caught in a trap, the heroism 
afterwards displayed by individual Englishmen brought 
about that the story of the great Mutiny in the long run 
added to rather than diminished British prestige. Its 
immediate effect was to compel Great Britain to assume 
the direct control of Indian affairs (1858). A Secretary- 
ship of State for India was instituted, such secretary to 
be assisted by a council. This council, however, is merely 
consultative ; the power and the responsibility resting 
with the Secretary of State. 

The magnanimous moderation of Lord Canning, the 
Governor-General, set itself firmly against anything in the 
nature of reprisals after the Mutiny. The policy of annexa- 
tion was abandoned ; and it became the rule, even in 
the case of the deposition of native rulers through mis- 
conduct, to place upon the throne some member of the 
late ruler's family. But, though the trend of opinion has 
been against new annexations, general considerations of 
policy have necessitated, both on its west and on its 
east, new additions to the Indian Empire. On the west, Afghani 
the old fear of Russia, in connexion with Afghanistan, has stan * 
dominated the situation. Accordingly Baluchistan is 
either British territory, or under British protection ; and 


the western frontier has been pushed forwards to include 
Quetta and the protection of the Bolan Pass. The frontier 
has been delimited between India and Afghanistan, and 
the Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1907, which declared 
Afghanistan to be outside the sphere of Russian influence, 
along with the recognition of British predominance in 
southern Persia, have given for the time relief from 
long-standing apprehensions. 
Burma : Q n ^q eastern frontier the annexation of Upper Burma, 
states. the immediate cause of which was the misdoings of 
King Theebaw, may have been partly due to fears of 
France. That Power, operating from Tonkin and Cochin 
China, appeared inclined to be active in Burma as well 
as Siam. The annexation of Upper Burma prevented 
trouble in that direction, whilst in 1896 a friendly agree- 
ment was at last arrived at between France and Great 
Britain regarding Siam. On the north Tibet still remains 
outside the sphere of European penetration ; while the 
friendly states of Nepal and Bhutan stand as warders of 
the Himalayas. 
Ceylon, To British India are attached certain stations such as 

&c * Aden, Perim, and Sokotra on the road to India. The 

island of Ceylon geographically belongs to the peninsula, 
but its political history has always been separate. The 
Dutch settlements were taken in 1795-6 and annexed 
to the Madras Presidency, but in 1801 Ceylon became 
a Crown colony. It was not restored by the Peace of 
Amiens, and has remained under the control of the 
Colonial Office, being governed by a Governor and a Legis- 
lative Council, which is now partly elective. During the 
first years of British rule there were troubles with the 
people, but these were soon ended ; and the main business 
of Great Britain in Ceylon has been to develop the 
economic resources of the island by the growth first of 
coffee and then when that failed, of tea, and more recently 
of rubber in addition to coco -nuts and other products. 
The Maldive Archipelago, a cluster of small coral islands 
in the Indian Ocean, is a dependency of Ceylon, as the 
Laccadives and Andamans are of India. 

ASIA 175 

The Straits Settlements consist of Singapore, Malacca, The 
the Dindings, Penang, and Province Wellesley, and the g e tti e ! 
Cocos or Keeling Islands have recently been annexed to ments and 


them as well as Labuan. Of the Straits Settlements dencies. 
Malacca ranks first in seniority though not in importance. 
A main emporium of trade in the Middle Ages, it fell 
successively under Portuguese and Dutch rulers till it 
was conquered by Great Britain in 1795. Restored to 
the Dutch, after the Great War, it finally became British in 
1824, when it was exchanged by the Dutch in return for 
the English possessions in Sumatra. Meanwhile the 
British had already established themselves in the Malay 
Peninsula. In 1786 the grant of the island of Penang 
was obtained from the Sultan of Kedah ; and fourteen 
years later the further cession of a strip of territory on the 
mainland gave its origin to Province Wellesley ; the 
object of the acquisition being to put down the pirates 
who infested the coast. In 1819 the island of Singapore 
was obtained from the Sultan of Johor by Sir Stamford 
Raffles. His action was protested against by the Dutch 
and severely criticized by the secret committee of the 
East India Company, but it was not overruled, and in 
a very short time the new acquisition amply justified the 
prescience of its founder. The foundation of Singapore 
was the turning-point in the long struggle between the 
Dutch and the English for the predominance in the 
Eastern trade. The policy of making Singapore a free 
port, open to ships of every nation free of duty, was 
richly rewarded. Not less enlightened was Raffles's 
political policy. He protested against the exclusion of 
the European merchants from all share in the domestic 
regulation of the settlement of which they would form 
the main members ; whilst he recognized that its popula- 
tion would consist in a mixture of strangers from all parts 
of the world, though chiefly of Malays and Chinese. At 
first Singapore was attached to the British possessions in 
Sumatra ; but, before these became Dutch, under the 
treaty of 1824, it was made a separate residency under the 
Government of Bengal. In 1826, however, it was united 


with Penang and Malacca. In 1867 the Straits Settlements 
were separated from India and became a Crown colony. 
The Dindings, consisting of a strip of land on the coast 
and the island of Pangkor, were taken over from Perak in 
1874, mainly with the object of putting down piracy. 
The Of special interest has been the influence of the Straits 

States. Settlements upon the native states of the Malay Penin- 
sula. The internal troubles of the states which adjoined 
the Straits Settlements reached a crisis in 1874, and in 
that year British residents were placed in the states of 
Perak, Selangor, and Sungei Ujong, one of the nine 
states forming the Negri Sembilan. At a later date 
a resident was accredited to Pahang on the eastern side 
of the peninsula. In 1895 the four states of Perak, 
Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang, were formed into 
a federation under the title of the Federated Malay 
States. Meanwhile the foreign relations of Johor, at the 
extreme south of the peninsula, had been in 1885 placed 
under the control of Great Britain, and in 1910 the Sultan 
received a British adviser. In 1909, under a treaty with 
Siam, the states of Kedah, Kelantan, Tringganu, and 
Perlis, over which Siam had claimed sovereignty, were 
placed under British protection, and British residents or 
agents have been placed in these states also, so that the 
whole of the southern part of the Malay Peninsula is 
now practically under British control. By conserving old 
titles and old feudal institutions as far as possible, by 
dealing gently with local prejudices, and by acting through 
the medium of the native rulers, the British residents 
have been able to bring about a material and moral 
improvement to which it would be difficult to find a 
parallel elsewhere ; while they have been able to avoid 
that break with the past which so often has had such 
disastrous results in the progress of material expansion. 

At first, indeed, the path of the British residents was by 
no means easy. They were expected, without interfering 
unduly with the details of government, to secure the 
maintenance of peace and law, the initiation of a sound 
system of taxation with the consequent development of 

ASIA 177 

the resources of the country, so as to ensure the receipt 
of funds necessary to carry out the engagements of the 
government and to pay for the cost of the British officers. 
A British resident at Perak was in 1875 assassinated and 
a punitive expedition became necessary. In fact the 
residential system required strengthening before effective 
results could follow from its institution. The residents 
were warned in 1878 that they were mere advisers ; and 
if they departed from that role the responsibility would 
rest with them ; but they felt constrained to accept such 
responsibility, and the great wealth of the country, which 
only required peace for its development, soon allowed for 
the provision of a more elaborate system of government 
and the work of a fully organized civil service. Few 
countries can show so great a progress in material advance- 
ment as has been made by the Malay States which have 
been brought under British control. Increased production 
of tin has greatly raised the revenue. Railways have 
opened up the country and assisted the export of other 
products ; whilst the well-being of the people has kept 
pace with the progress of the country. The position of 
Malays and of Chinese has alike been bettered. Nowhere 
more than in the Federated Malay States have Lord 
Curzon's words been justified that in foreign dependencies 
the final justification of empire is that it should exist for 
the benefit of the people of the country. 

It has already been stated that the final result of The 
Dutch and English competition in the East was to leave ArckiU 
Great Britain predominant on the mainland of India and pelago. 
the United Provinces in the islands. There was indeed 
a nominal and precarious connexion of Great Britain with 
these islands ; but it amounted to very little. When the 
United Provinces threw in their lot with France in the 
war of the French Revolution, the Dutch colonies became 
the natural prey of the British Navy ; and in 1811 Java 
was taken. The British occupation, between 1811 and 
1815, is of interest because of the character of the govern- 
ment set up by Sir Stamford Raffles, and the restoration 
of the island to Holland has been severely criticized. It 

132L6 N 



must be remembered, however, that the new regime 
established in Holland was one friendly to Great Britain ; 
and that it would have been a strange way of strengthen- 
ing it in the affections of the Dutch people to identify 
it with the loss of the Dutch colonial empire. When Java 
was restored a British station was maintained in Sumatra 
at Benkulen ; but this also became Dutch in 1824 in 
return for Malacca. 
Sarawak. Although ineffectual attempts had been frequently made 
to set up British stations in Borneo, the first serious effort 
to establish British connexion with that island was carried 
out by a private Englishman, James Brooke. Brooke 
received the grant of Sarawak, on the north-west side of 
the island, in 1842, and succeeded in establishing a practi- 
cally independent sovereignty. Rajah Brooke showed 
what individual energy and capacity can do in dealing 
with Eastern peoples. In 1888 Sarawak as well as Brunei 
and North Borneo were taken under British protection 
and their foreign relations placed under imperial control. 

Labuan, a little island off the coast of Borneo, now 
annexed to the Straits Settlements, was ceded to Great 
Britain by the Sultan of Brunei (Bruni) in 1847 ; and 
what remains of the old Sultanate of Brunei is now a 
British protectorate, a British resident being attached 
to the Sultan. 

The northern portion of the island belongs to the 
British North Borneo Company, which in 1881 was the 
first of the chartered companies which revived the practice 
of the seventeenth century. The British North Borneo 
Company, however, is not itself a trading company, the 
resources of the country being dealt with by subsidiary 
companies. These resources are being developed, with 
tobacco as a leading product ; and North Borneo has on 
the east coast at Sandakan a harbour of great importance. 

The East India Company carried on trade with China, 
though not without danger and difficulty ; but it was not 
till 1842 that there was a British possession in China. 
With the expiration of the monopoly of the East India 
Company, in 1834, it was sought to develop the Chinese 





China : 



ASIA 179 

trade ; but Chinese suspicions and objections to the 
importation of opium stood in the way, and in 1839 war 
broke out. As a result of that war Hong Kong was ceded 
by the Chinese, and was constituted a British colony in 
1843. The peninsula of Kowloon, opposite the island of 
Hong Kong, was added to the colony by the treaty of 
1860, which followed the joint French and English expedi- 
tion against Peking. The area of the British colony was 
further extended in 1898 under a lease for ninety-nine 
years. Hong Kong has been described as a station half- 
military, half-commercial, deriving its importance from 
the vast trade which passes through its port. At its 
acquisition it was declared to be utterly worthless ; but 
time has sufficiently disposed of such prophecies. 

The other British possession in China, Wei-hai-wei, was Wei-hai- 
occupied under an agreement in 1898, as a set-off to wei - 
grants of lands obtained by the other Powers. Wei-hai- 
wei has a fine climate and a magnificent harbour, but 
it has not been thought advisable to establish here a 
fortified naval base. 

N 2 



1. Military and Foreign Policy 

War and ' War', according to Clausewitz, 'is a continuation of 
p y * policy by other means — that is, a form of political inter- 
course in which we fight battles instead of writing notes.' 
When diplomacy fails to accomplish the fulfilment of the 
national will force is resorted to, and the method of its 
employment depends on the nature of the object in view. 
It follows that the naval and military policy of a nation 
and its foreign policy are interdependent. Either its force 
must be adequate to continue its policy, or its policy must 
give way should it clash with the will of a stronger nation. 

The underlying principle of our foreign policy is purely 
conservative. We do not covet the possessions of others, 
but wish only to protect our own and to preserve free 
markets for our trade. In a word our foreign policy is 
defensive. Consequently the fundamental basis of our 
military policy is the preservation of the foundation upon 
which our whole national and imperial life rests — the 
freedom of the seas. 

So far as any guiding principle can be traced in our 
foreign relations this has always been the essential basis 
of our policy. Being defensive, its aim, conscious or 
unconscious, has ever been to preserve the balance of 
power, or perhaps it would be more correct to say the 
military equilibrium, in Europe, and a specific reference 
to this as a reason for the maintenance of a standing army 
was contained in the preamble to the Mutiny Act from 
1727 to 1868. 

It is not our purpose here to trace out the practical 
working of that policy. When the balance is fairly even, the 
policy is naturally dormant, and has been so often for con- 


siderable periods. The latest of such periods was described 
as one of ' splendid isolation '. But any considerable 
disturbance of the balance of power necessarily compels 
us to throw our weight into the scale on the weaker side. 
Otherwise the weaker nations might be forced to sub- 
ordinate their will to the stronger and a coalition might 
be formed against our sea supremacy. 

Such a disturbance in the balance of power was brought 
about by the expansion of the German Navy and the 
defeat of Russia by Japan, and at once ended the period 
of isolation and led to the settlement of our principal 
outstanding differences with France and Russia and 
a gradually increasing intimacy with these Powers. 

The addition of powerful fleets to the vast armies of 
the Continental Powers has served to emphasize the peril 
to our naval supremacy should any single Power or group 
of Powers become the arbiter of Europe, and recognition 
of this danger has led to a general acceptance by both the 
great political parties of the policy of closer action with 
certain friendly Powers inaugurated in 1904. 

Before turning from this main feature of our foreign 
policy it must be recalled that the responsibility for 
British foreign policy rests solely with the Government 
of the United Kingdom. At present the Governments of 
the dominions have no voice in its direction or obligation 
to support it by force of arms, although, of course, they are 
exposed in some degree to the consequences of its failure. 

In addition to the friendships based on common needs Treaty 
and interests arising out of our main policy, we have treaty tiomTand 
obligations and alliances, which might compel us to alliances, 
employ force in Europe or elsewhere. In conjunction with 
all the Great Powers, Britain guarantees the neutrality of 
Switzerland, Belgium, and Luxemburg, and the integrity 
of Norway. Under ancient treaties, which are still bind- 
ing, we undertake to afford armed assistance to Portugal. 
By virtue of the Cyprus Convention of 1878 we undertake 
to come to the assistance of Turkey if her Asiatic posses- 
sions are attacked by Russia. We have entered into 
engagements with other Powers to preserve intact the 


status quo in the Mediterranean, the east Atlantic, and 
the North Sea. Lastly we have an alliance for a definite 
object with Japan. 

We are bound in honour by these treaties, and, although 
our agreements in no way impose any particular course 
of action upon us, the common interests which they 
represent do create a situation which may entail the use 
of our naval and military forces under certain conditions. 
European As already pointed out our friendships are based on the 
power! 60 fundamental principle of our policy. The dominating 
factor in the formation of our present friendships has been 
the growth of the German Navy. Whatever the real 
intention may be that has dictated its great development, 
we cannot afford to view its further expansion with 
indifference. For should that policy at any time develop 
aggressive tendencies against ourselves or against any of 
those Powers with whom we are friends, we are bound to 
come to the assistance of the latter or run the risk of 
a subsequent coalition aimed at our sea supremacy. 

It is commonly admitted that sea supremacy is vital 
to the maintenance of the Empire, the security of our 
commerce, and the safety of our homes. It is true that 
Mr. Norman Angell, in The Great Illusion, tells us that 
Dreadnoughts do not protect trade and industry. But 
while it is acknowledged that his case is represented with 
great ability, it has hitherto failed to carry general 
conviction. The more generally accepted view still is 
that the supremacy of British sea-borne trade has been 
built, and now rests, upon the confidence and security 
afforded by the supremacy of the British Navy. The 
great bulk of the commercial and insurance business, 
which depends upon the stability of British credit, is 
transacted in this belief, which is held in foreign countries 
quite as much as in Great Britain. 

The conclusion that is forced upon us is that our foreign 
policy is bound to concern itself with the maintenance of 
military equilibrium in Europe, and may consequently 
involve us in a continental war, in the result of which 
the dominions are greatly interested on account of the 


ultimate effect of such a war on their sea-borne trade. 
This statement must, however, be qualified by saying 
that the situation that would be dangerous to ourselves 
cannot arise unless some Power or group of Powers on the 
Continent aspires to assume a dominating position. This 
view is, of course, not accepted by those holding certain 
political views in this country, and has frequently been 
criticized in the dominions, and the absence of a solid 
and unanimous opinion in favour of rendering armed 
assistance to our friends in certain circumstances would 
inevitably be found embarrassing by the Government of 
the day in a time of acute crisis. 

None of our minor treaty obligations referred to above 
seems at the present time very likely to involve us in acute 
differences with other Powers, but it is necessary to con- 
sider more fully the effect of our relations with France, 
Russia, Japan, and America. 

The Anglo-French Agreement was entered into in 1904, Anglo- 
and thereby all serious causes of friction with France were Agree- 
removed, and the way paved for the good understanding menfc - 
that exists at present. As far as Europe is concerned the 
result is a well-established entente, and although no definite 
obligation exists, the French probably have good grounds 
for hoping that common interests would compel us 
to afford them assistance against aggression. Outside 
Europe the chief effect of the agreement was to give us 
a freer hand in Egypt in return for the abandonment of 
our claims in Morocco. In Egypt our military difficulties 
are now confined to the possibilities of local disorder and 
attack by Turkey via the Sinai Peninsula, a contingency 
probably rendered unlikely for some years to come by 
recent events in the Balkans. 

By the Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1907 a main Anglo- 
anxiety of our Indian administrators has, for the time Agree- 11 
being, been allayed. As soon as it appeared that Russia ment - 
had abandoned her adventurous Asiatic policy as the result 
of the Japanese war the way was opened for an under- 
standing with this country. If we could be convinced 
that Russia did not intend to develop further her strategic 


railways on the frontier of Afghanistan, and if Russia 
could be convinced that we did not propose to thwart 
her legitimate aspirations in northern Persia or to adopt 
a policy antagonistic to her in Europe, the chief causes of 
friction between the two countries could be removed. 
The agreement has already borne fruit. We have been 
relieved for some years of a great and perpetual anxiety 
on the north-west frontier of India, and it is not too 
much to say that but for its existence the chaotic condition 
into which Persia has fallen would long since have led 
to the break-up of that ancient kingdom, extreme friction 
with Russia, and a great extension of our responsibilities. 
Anglo- Our alliance with Japan dates from 1902, and has been 

Amance 6 twice renewed. If not renewed again it will terminate in 
1921. Its original object was to prevent Russian domina- 
tion of the Far East, and to keep the ' open door ' for 
trade in that part of the world. Since the Russo-Japanese 
war the original object of the alliance has ceased to exist — 
Russia and Japan are friends — but it has been renewed 
because it has been found useful by both parties to the 
alliance. It has prevented a naval rivalry springing up 
in the Pacific. We have been able to reduce our Pacific 
fleet to a mere fraction of its former strength, and the 
Japanese have been able to economize greatly in their 
naval expenditure since the war. The abrupt termination 
of the alliance would produce a serious situation involving 
our re-establishing a strong fleet in the Pacific, which, in 
view of the pressure nearer home, is a prospect not to be 
contemplated lightly. 

It must be admitted, however, that the alliance was 
for many years unpopular in the dominions. Australia 
and Canada have both had cause for friction with Japan 
on the question of Japanese emigration, and they have 
felt that their interests were being to some extent ignored 
in the game of diplomacy. It is satisfactory to be able 
to state that the benefits accruing from the alliance to the 
dominions with territory bordering on the Pacific are 
now better understood. The fact that Japan is removed 
from the list of our possible enemies for a definite period 


cannot fail to be of great advantage to these dominions, 
which can hardly wish to hasten a struggle for sea 
supremacy in the Pacific. 

For many years our relations with the United States Anglo- 
of America have been of the most friendly nature, due to relations. 
American recognition of the fact that we have no terri- 
torial ambitions on that continent. We respect the 
Monroe doctrine, and although opinions may differ as to 
the extent to which it is politic to place reliance on this 
doctrine as regards questions of Canadian defence, it 
cannot fail to have an effect on any outside Power that 
might conceivably contemplate an attack on Canada. It 
must be admitted that causes of friction with the United 
States arise from time to time — the question of the Panama 
Canal dues furnishes a case in point — but the attitude of 
our diplomacy is that such causes of dispute are all capable 
of settlement by arbitration, and as a result the possibility 
of war with the United States is not a contingency 
which has much influence on our defensive arrangements. 

It remains only to make a further short reference to Britain 
Germany and the other Powers of the Triple Alliance. Triple 6 
Our relations with Germany, Austria, and Italy are Alliance. 
individually good, and no questions are pending between 
us that could conceivably justify war. Throughout the 
crisis of the war in the Balkans the interests of Germany 
and ourselves were identical, and the diplomacy of both 
countries worked wholeheartedly in the interests of peace. 
Danger, if danger exists, arises solely from the possibility 
of German aspirations developing an aggressive tendency, 
which might imperil the balance of power in Europe. It 
is the aim of our diplomacy to improve our relations with 
Germany, but it has frequently been stated by members 
of the Government that this cannot be done at the expense 
of our existing friendships. 

The above does not purport to be more than a mere Foreign 
outline of the fundamental basis of our relations with *Joes not 
foreign Powers, stated in the broadest terms, but it serves affect ele- 
to show the directions from which danger may be appre- j^rategicf 
hended, and suffices as a basis for a consideration of our problems. 


naval and military policy. It is necessary, however, to 
point out that these questions of foreign policy do not 
affect the elements of the purely strategical problems 
involved in the defence of the Empire. These elements 
consist primarily of the relative strength of the naval and 
military forces on either side, the geographical and topo- 
graphical conditions, the communications by sea and land, 
and the problems of time and space involved. 

These considerations of foreign policy do, however, 
make war more or less likely, and governments only 
consider what is reasonably probable. But conditions 
alter, treaties become obsolete, and friendships change, 
so in their military policy governments ought not to be 
guided merely by the circumstances of the moment. The 
question of time is of the utmost importance. Expendi- 
ture, particularly in naval matters, which is premature, 
is wasteful on account of the rapidity with which material 
of all sorts becomes out of date, and whereas it takes 
many years to develop a navy or an army, a treaty can 
be repudiated by a stroke of the pen. 

In what follows the complicated nature of the prob- 
lems involved in the defence of the Empire will be 
clearly brought out, and their detailed analysis cannot 
fail to emphasize strongly the necessity for continuity 
in our foreign policy and statesmanlike forethought in 
our military preparations. 

2. The Principles on which Imperial Defence is 


The principles on which Imperial Defence is based are 
few and simple. They are as follows : 

1 . That sea supremacy is necessary to the maintenance 
of the Empire. 

2. That each self-governing portion of the Empire 
should, as far as possible, provide for its own territorial 

3. That the different portions of the Empire should be 
prepared to give each other mutual assistance. 


The means by which effect is given to these principles 
are : 

1. Sea supremacy is maintained by the Royal Navy, 
assisted by contributions from the dominions and the 
local navies maintained by the dominions, and supported 
by a system of defended ports at home and abroad. 

2. Local defence is provided for at home by the 
Regular Army, should it be in the country, the Special 
Reserve, and the Territorial Force. The dominions 
maintain local forces for local defence. India is defended 
by the British garrison and the Indian Army, and the 
Crown colonies are in most instances defended by British 
garrisons, assisted in some cases by local forces. 

3. Effect is given to the principle of mutual assistance 
by the co-operation of local navies with the Royal Navy, 
by the Expeditionary Force maintained at home ready 
for service abroad, by the assistance on occasion of the 
Indian Army outside India, and by contingents from the 

In the following sections it is proposed to discuss in 
detail the application of these principles. 

3. Sea Supremacy 

There are few questions on which misapprehensions The 
are more general than that of sea supremacy, or, as it is ^^^ 
more commonly called, the - command of the sea '. The sea.' 
ordinary conception of the ' man in the street ' is that 
the ' sea is one and brooks but one mistress ', and that 
the command of it rests with one or other belligerent 
from the fall of the flag, so to speak, either as the result 
of great naval preponderance or a great naval victory on 
or shortly after the outbreak of war. There could be no 
greater delusion. Before considering the question further 
it is necessary to define what we mean by ' command of 
the sea '. The generally accepted definition is the power 
to control maritime communications. The most cursory 
acquaintance with our naval history shows that at the 
outbreak of war the command of the sea is usually in 
dispute, and that it remains in dispute as long as the 


enemy's naval power continues to exist as anything more 

than a negligible quantity, or, to use another catch phrase 

which is often abused, as long as the enemy possesses 

' a fleet in being '. To obtain a grasp of the question it 

is necessary to recognize two important points. Firstly, 

command of the sea, meaning as it does the control of 

maritime communications, is a relative term, and it is 

perfectly possible, and even usual, for one combatant to 

exercise command in certain waters, while the other 

combatant exercises command elsewhere. Also it is 

necessary to recognize the difference between waging 

offensive naval warfare and exercising sea command. 

Control of As regards the first point, it is not difficult to conceive 

communi- c i rcums t a nces in which our navy might be able to control 

cations, communications in the Channel and the Atlantic, while 

those of other Powers controlled the Baltic and the 

Pacific, and the command of the North Sea and the 

Mediterranean remained in dispute. 

Difference As regards the second point, the fact that our navy might 

offensive, be able to maintain a vigorous offensive in the North Sea 

naval would not necessarily give us control of the communica- 

and al tions in those waters sufficient, say, to guarantee the 

command safety of a military expedition. Command of the sea 

' cannot be said to be established — 

(1) Till the enemy's fleets are no longer capable of 
threatening an attack. 

(2) Till our maritime trade can be carried on without 
danger of serious interruption. 

(3) Till the sea communications of oversea expeditions 
are secure against reasonable risk. 

It is necessary to say ' serious interruption ' and 
' reasonable risk ', for as long as the enemy is capable of 
maintaining maritime war in any form complete security 
on the sea cannot be ensured. But history shows us that 
maritime trade can prosper and military expeditions cross 
the sea without complete command of the sea having 
been established. It is true that in the Spanish- American 
war the Americans attached an exaggerated importance 
to the theory of the ' fleet in being ', and delayed unduly 


in landing their army in Cuba. In 1895, in the war with 
China, and in 1904 in the war with Russia, however, the 
Japanese moved military expeditions by sea before 
establishing sea command, in the first case using their 
navy defensively to begin with, to protect their transports 
directly, and in the second case using it offensively and so 
protecting their transports indirectly. 

But although military expeditions can cross the sea 
before the command of the sea has been established, and 
have frequently done so, it is generally recognized that if 
decisive results are aimed at complete command must be 
subsequently established. 

This theory will be applied later when considering the 
various problems that arise in connexion with the command 
of the sea in different parts of the world. 

Reference has been made to the difference between 
waging offensive naval warfare and exercising, command 
of the sea. The difference arises from the power of the 
weaker combatant to assume the offensive temporarily 
by means of counter-attack. A belligerent waging 
defensive naval warfare is by no means without resources. 
He may attempt to take advantage of the distribution 
of the hostile fleets at the outbreak of hostilities to gain 
an initial success. He may endeavour by strategical 
manoeuvres to divide the hostile fleets so as to afford an 
opportunity for offensive action. He may make great 
use of secondary means, such as mines, torpedoes, and 
possibly aircraft, to deliver minor counter-attacks. He 
can force on the enemy all the arduous duties of blockade, 
and may endeavour to raid his coast and his commerce 
or the communications of his military forces in order to 
exhaust his resources, depreciate his moral, and prevent 
his using his full strength at the decisive point. 

Such being the resources of defensive naval warfare, 
the arduous nature of offensive naval warfare becomes 
apparent, particularly if the initiative is likely to rest 
with the opponent. The stronger combatant is popularly 
supposed to have nothing to do but to seek out the 
enemy's fleets and destroy them. A continuous and 


ubiquitous offensive is certainly essential, but the methods 
by which it is maintained are full of difficulties and 
dangers. The essential weakness of our position is that 
our settled policy is defensive and that it is inconceivable 
that we should be the aggressors. This fact implies that 
the initiative would rest with the enemy and entails in 
our case extreme vigilance in the distribution of our 
fleets in peace-time, particularly during a period of 
strained relations, so as to avoid having to meet a sur- 
prise attack under unfavourable conditions. We must 
be prepared at our average moment for the enemy at his 
selected moment. We must maintain an adequate system 
of intelligence so that the distribution of possibly hostile 
fleets is always known both in peace and war. We must 
observe, follow, attack and defeat all hostile fleets and 
vessels that put to sea, and must make adequate disposi- 
tions for the protection of our commerce. 

The geographical situation of the British Isles confers 
certain advantages from the point of view of waging 
offensive warfare. It greatly facilitates the protection 
of our oversea trade against an enemy that is compelled 
to issue from the North Sea to gain access to the Atlantic, 
and it enables us to keep the ports on the other side of 
the Channel under effective observation should necessity 
to do so arise. But against these advantages must be 
weighed those conferred on a possible enemy for waging 
defensive warfare by the double exit from the Baltic via 
the Kiel Canal and the Skaggerak. This double exit not 
only increases the difficulties of maintaining effective 
observation on any hostile fleet that can make use of 
either passage, but imposes upon us the necessity of 
keeping our main fleet in a position from which it can 
ensure bringing the enemy to action before he can break 
out of the North Sea, and in certain circumstances might 
prevent any division of the battle-fleet. 
Blockade. A word must be said on the subject of blockade 
under the conditions of the present day. Close blockade, 
i.e. blockade with the object of preventing the enemy's 
fleet putting to sea, is commonly regarded as no longer 


possible. This may not be a matter of great consequence, 
as our object would certainly be to induce the enemy to 
put to sea so as to attack him, except possibly during 
certain periods when we had military expeditions at sea. 
Open blockade, i.e. blockade with the object of keeping 
such close watch on the enemy's fleet in port that if it 
puts to sea it can be followed and brought to action, is 
attended by increasing difficulties owing to the long 
range of destroyers and submarines, which will keep the 
blockading battle-fleets at a considerable distance from 
the blockaded ports. The necessity of relieving vessels 
engaged in the duty of observation and the difficulties of 
coaling at sea impose on the blockading side, moreover, a 
very considerable preponderance of force in craft employed 
for this purpose. The geographical and meteorological 
conditions of the North Sea are undoubtedly unfavour- 
able to a blockade of German ports. 

A consideration of these conditions will show not only The pre- 
the extent to which the command of the sea may remain *|°™ ^ 
in dispute during the early stages of a maritime war, but cessary 
the very considerable preponderance of force necessary to tinuous 
maintain a continuous offensive, and the constant risks offensive. 
that must be run by the stronger belligerent. 

The preponderance necessary for the maintenance of 
a continuous offensive ultimately resulting in the estab- 
lishment of sea command, therefore, is a vital question 
for us, and has consequently been the subject of consider- 
able discussion. Successive Governments have stated 
their intention to maintain a ' two-Power standard '. 
The Unionist press has frequently urged on the Govern- 
ment the adoption of a standard of ' two keels to one ' as 
against our most formidable rival. Such expressions 
require interpretation. Admiral Mahan 1 quotes from an 
article in the National Review for July 1909, in which the 
two-Power standard is defined as ' the maintenance of 
two fleets, the one superior in all arms to the foreign fleet 
next in order of strength and the other superior in all 
arms to the foreign fleet next again in order of strength '. 

1 Naval Strategy, by Admiral Mahan, 1912. 


He expresses his agreement with this definition and ampli- 
fies it by saying that, in his opinion, ' taking present 
conditions in Europe, and present naval programmes, the 
two-Power standard requires that Great Britain shall 
have in home waters a fleet distinctly superior to that of 
Germany, and that she shall be able coincidentally to 
place in the Mediterranean one equally superior to those 
of Austria and Italy combined.' 

Even this apparently clear statement requires further 
interpretation. What does Admiral Mahan mean by 
' distinctly superior ' ? If there is any value in the argu- 
ments that have been set forth above, ' distinctly superior ' 
should mean sufficiently superior to maintain a continuous 
offensive, and for this purpose a statement by Mr. Churchill 
would lead the public to suppose that, in the opinion of the 
Admiralty, a preponderance in capital ships of 3 to 2 is 
desirable, 1 combined with a preponderance of cruisers and 
other craft that it has not been found possible to formulate. 

Admiral Mahan's estimate of the requirements of a two- 
Power standard has not been accepted. In the section of 
this chapter dealing with military and foreign policy, it 
has been stated that the Government only considers 
reasonably probable contingencies, and that the possi- 
bility of war with the United States has not much 
influence on our military preparations. If the German 
fleet is to be considered as ' the foreign fleet next in 
order of strength ' to the British fleet, in the National 
Review definition, the United States fleet is certainly not 
considered as ' the foreign fleet next again in order of 
strength '. That has frequently been admitted. Again, 
there is no evidence that it is proposed to maintain in 
the Mediterranean a superior fleet to those of Austria 
and Italy combined. In fact, there are indications that 
the combination of the Austrian and Italian fleets against 
us at a time when we are without the support of France 
in the Mediterranean is not considered a reasonably 
probable contingency, and that a superiority to the more 
formidable of those Powers is considered to suffice. 

1 Mr. Churchill's speech on Naval Estimates, March 31, 1913. 


The Dominions and Sea Supremacy 
This question of the necessary margin of superiority Naval 
for the maintenance of our sea supremacy brings us to p^eVncl 
the consideration of the assistance proffered to the war. 
mother country by the dominions. The Admiralty has 
never wavered in its opinion that if imperial naval 
defence were considered merely as a problem of naval 
strategy it would be found that the greatest output of 
strength for a given expenditure would be obtained by 
the maintenance of a single navy, with the concomitant 
unity of training and unity of command. For many years 
this firmly-held opinion led to a system of monetary 
contributions from the dominions to the Royal Navy. 
But political considerations in the dominions prevented 
the general acceptance and growth of this system. For 
political reasons it was difficult to obtain the assent 
of the dominion parliaments to contributions that could 
be considered adequate to their wealth and population. 
This, in conjunction with a lack of a popular under- 
standing of the true principles of maritime strategy, led 
to the growth of a strong body of public opinion in favour 
of local navies. 

Some difficult questions at once arose for consideration. 
As has already been explained, H.M. Government in 
London is alone responsible for foreign policy. As the 
movement of ships of war in peace-time is an instrument 
of diplomacy it appeared to be necessary to make some 
provision by which the ships of these local navies should, 
as a rule, remain in their own local waters and should 
notify the Home Government if they left these waters or 
entered foreign ports. Outside local waters it appeared 
desirable that they should come under the command of 
the naval commander-in-chief of the station. 

Representatives of the dominions, moreover, have 
frequently stated that as they had no voice in foreign 
policy they could not be expected to take part in a war 
unless they approved the cause. Even if arrangements 
were made, therefore, for the dominion navies to come 

13216 o 



policy of 
the do- 

under imperial control on the outbreak of hostilities this 
attitude of Ministers of the dominions made it difficult 
to arrange the distribution of fleets in peace-time. On 
the outbreak of war the British Navy might suddenly 
have to undertake duties that it had fully expected would 
be performed by the local navies. 

These questions have been discussed at various con- 
ferences on defence questions, and, while opinion in the 
dominions is evidently very sensitive on the question of 
the control of their own navies both in peace and war, the 
importance of unity of command in war is generally recog- 
nized. The first and most definite step in this direction 
was the action of New Zealand in presenting a vessel 
unconditionally to the Home Government. The next 
was the offer of the Australian Government to place the 
ships of the Commonwealth unreservedly at the disposal 
of the Admiralty on the outbreak of war. But the chief 
difficulty is that if the dominion navies are controlled 
by the dominion governments in time of peace, they may 
be very far from the best strategic positions if suddenly 
required on the outbreak of war. It is really the peace 
distribution which is the most difficult point to settle. 

Generally speaking, it may be said that Australia has 
always been in favour of having its own navy. 

New Zealand has hitherto favoured the system of 
contributions, its representative at past conferences, 
Sir Joseph Ward, having been much impressed with the 
value of unity of command and control. 

Canadian policy has changed. Sir Wilfrid Laurier's 
Government was in favour of developing a Canadian Navy 
both in the Pacific and the Atlantic, and Mr. Borden, 
who endeavoured to reverse the policy of his predecessor, 
met with such strenuous opposition from the Liberals in 
the Canadian House of Commons and Senate, that he 
was temporarily compelled to abandon his attempts to 
pass his Navy Bill. Mr. Borden's policy is to provide 
a sum of £7,000,000 for three of the largest ships of war, 
to meet a serious emergency arising out of the rapid 
growth of the German Navy, but he appears to wish to 


keep the door open for a reversion in the future to the 
policy of a Canadian Navy. 

The Union Government of South Africa has hitherto 
done no more than continue the contributions previously 
provided by the Governments of Cape Colony and Natal, 
consideration of the question having been postponed 
while the Union Government was feeling its feet. 

In 1912 the Federated Malay States offered a contribu- 
tion of a first-class armoured ship, which offer was accepted. 

India furnishes a small contribution in money. 

The attitude of H.M. Government on this question is Policy of 
to recognize freely the different conditions in the different Govern™ 
dominions, and to accept gratefully such help as may be merit, 
offered by each in the form that best accords with its 
circumstances and sentiment. Whether the dominions 
contribute or not to naval defence, the Admiralty 
guarantees naval protection to British interests in all 
parts of the world, and only counts on the assistance of 
the dominion navies if and when they are placed under 
its control by the dominion governments concerned. 
There is a general feeling that all direct contributions 
from the dominions shall be considered as affording an 
additional margin of safety to meet the general naval 
situation, and not as grants in aid. In fact Mr. Churchill, 
in introducing the Naval Estimates in March 1913, 
suggested the formation of these vessels into an ' all 
world fleet ' available for service in any part of the world. 
It must, however, be borne in mind that contributions of 
ships impose extra expenditure for personnel and main- 
tenance on the Home Government. 

The most important question in connexion with the The naval 
dominion navies is undoubtedly that involved in the t °™ e in 
naval force to be maintained in the Pacific. The effect Pacific, 
of the Japanese Alliance on this question has already 
been pointed out, but however favourable the effect of 
that alliance may be to the interests of the dominions 
at the present time, it cannot be denied that in certain 
contingencies the dominions might be more at the mercy 
of Japan and possibly of other countries than they may 

o 2 


care to contemplate with equanimity. It is in human 
nature to look first to the security of home interests, 
so the preoccupation of Australia, New Zealand, and, in 
a minor degree, Canada, in this question is but natural. 

At the Imperial Conference of 1909 an important 
arrangement was proposed, and accepted provisionally, 
by which an Imperial Pacific fleet was to be formed, con- 
sisting of three fleet units — a British fleet unit on the East 
Indies station ; another British fleet unit, with the New 
Zealand contributed battle-cruiser as flagship, on the 
China station ; and an Australian fleet unit in Australian 
waters — the whole to form the Imperial Pacific fleet in 
the event of war. The Canadian Government did not see 
its way to co-operate in this proposal. The Common- 
wealth Government has made good progress with its share 
of the arrangement, but the situation at home hindered 
the development of the scheme as far as the Admiralty 
was concerned, and the battle -cruiser New Zealand joined 
the First Squadron on her return from New Zealand in 
the summer of 1913. 

There are indications that the policy of a combined 
Australian and New Zealand fleet for the Pacific, which 
has always been popular in Australia, is gaining adherents 
in New Zealand, and it would not be surprising if these 
two dominions were eventually to co-operate in the 
creation of a fleet that would be of sufficient strength 
to affect material^ the balance of naval power in the 

Protection of Commerce 

Supply of The chart facing this page gives an idea of the volume of 
raw* ma^ imperial maritime trade and the routes by which it moves, 
terial in In 1905 the Royal Commission appointed by the Govern- 
ment to consider the question of food supply in time of 
war issued their report, from which the following are 
extracts : 

' The difficulty and danger . . . that we have to meet lies 
in the direction of some diminution in the volume of our 
food from abroad, and a very serious rise in prices, rather 



than in the prospect of the actual cutting off of our 

1 The same reason will apply, though in less degree, 
to the supplies of raw material, which we require, and 
much of which is also imported from abroad, with this 
distinction : for food people cannot wait ; for raw 
material they can, at all events for a considerable 

' When all allowances have been made, it seems 
tolerably certain that war, especially if prolonged, must 
involve either considerable loss of employment to the 
working classes or at least a reduction in their rates of 

' Restriction of the output means factories working 
less time, with a corresponding reduction in the remunera- 
tion of labour, and any such reduction would, of course, 
be especially serious at a time when prices of food might 
be expected to be above their normal level.' 

The Commission was unable to agree on a remedy for 
this state of affairs other than the destruction of the 
enemy's naval power. 
Defence of The most elementary study of this question is sufficient 
ocean ^° emphasize the vital importance of establishing command 
routes. f the seas at the earliest possible moment, but till the 
command of the sea is established how is our commerce 
to be protected ? A reference to the routes followed by 
our trade shows that there are certain vital points that 
it passes, where it collects, and is therefore most vulnerable 
to attack. Beginning in the Southern Hemisphere, there 
is Cape Leeuwin on the south-west coast of Australia and 
the Cape of Good Hope ; then come Colombo, Aden, the 
Suez Canal, and Gibraltar. Off the coast of Portugal the 
stream from the Cape joins that from the East and 
the Mediterranean, and finally that from the American 
continent joins the others at the entrance to the Channel. 
The more distant the point the less the volume of trade, 
and vice versa, but it is important to bear in mind that 
an Australian ship, say, with an Australian cargo is just 
as vulnerable at the entrance to the Channel as it is off 


Cape Leeuwin. Therefore no system of local defence 
can protect local interests in oversea trade. 

In considering the attack of commerce two points 
must be emphasized. The coal capacity of modern ships 
of war limits their sphere of activity and the time that 
they can remain at sea, and the more crowded waters 
will naturally form the greatest attraction to the 
enemy. These considerations facilitate to some extent 
the task of protection by giving an indication as to the 
distribution of fleets and vessels employed on protective 
duties. A matter for consolation, moreover, is that 
sea communications being common the fleets and vessels 
employed on protective duties can combine with them the 
attack of the enemy's commerce. 

Mr. Churchill, in introducing the Naval Estimates on 
March 26, 1913, announced an important new departure 
in this connexion, namely the intention of the Government 
to assist the owners of merchantmen to arm their vessels 
by lending the necessary guns, supplying ammunition, and 
providing for the training of men of the ship's company 
to form gun crews. This decision, he stated, has been 
forced upon us by the action of other countries in arming 
their merchantmen, which makes similar action necessary 
on our part for our own defence. 

It is not possible to leave this question without 
emphasizing the importance of the Mediterranean as 
a trade-route. It is not necessary to labour the point ; 
a glance at the chart suffices to bring it home. 

Protection of Sea Communications of Military Expeditions 
and Reinforcements Moving by Sea 
It has already been stated that the control of com- 
munications is the test of sea supremacy, and reference 
has been made to the fact that absolute sea command is 
not necessary for the movement of military expeditions 
by sea. The power of this country to render military 
assistance to any part of the Empire or to its friends on 
the Continent, and the power of the dominions to 
co-operate in the defence of the Empire by sending 


reinforcements to any threatened point, depend on a 
just appreciation of the risks that may reasonably be run 
in moving troops by sea when the command of the sea is 
still in dispute. 

Should it be considered desirable for us to render 
military assistance to France, say, if she were attacked, 
time may be of the utmost importance. In the opinion 
of many military writers of repute on the Continent the 
first great battle of such a campaign may prove decisive, 
and assistance, to be of value, must be timely. It is 
quite conceivable that an important duty of the Navy in 
such a contingency might be to protect the passage of 
the Expeditionary Force to France in the same way that 
the primary use of the Japanese Navy in 1895 was to 
protect the passage of Japanese troops to Korea. 

In the case of reinforcements moving from this country 
to India, our possible enemies and the distribution of 
naval forces must decide the route to be taken and the 
method of protection, and once again this question 
emphasizes the importance to us of naval power in the 

The geographical position of the dominions and the 
possible distribution of naval forces in the event of war 
might make the movement of reinforcements from out- 
lying portions of the Empire to a threatened point a 
matter of vital importance. For instance, South Africa, 
Australia, and New Zealand might move troops to India 
at a time when the passage of reinforcements through the 
Mediterranean would be accompanied by risk. South 
Africa and India could also, perhaps, help to maintain 
our hold on Egypt more rapidly than we could from home. 
It will be remembered that the contingent of British 
troops from India helped materially to save Natal. For 
this reason the recognition of the principle of mutual 
assistance by temporary relief in a sudden emergency 
is a matter of considerable importance. 

As regards the methods by which reinforcements would 
move in such emergencies, each case must be decided on 
its merits. 


Defended Ports 

It has been stated that our sea supremacy is supported 
by a system of defended ports. The self-governing 
dominions have in most cases taken over the responsibility 
for the defended ports in their own territory, Simons- 
town and Cape Town in the Cape Province remaining the 
only exceptions. The Home Government is responsible for 
the garrisons and defences of the defended ports at home 
and in the Crown colonies, subject in the latter case 
to certain grants in aid, while India provides its own 

The armaments of defended ports are calculated in 
accordance with the importance of the naval, and in 
some cases the commercial, interests that they protect, 
and the strategical and tactical conditions which govern 
the scale of attack to which they are liable. 

4. Local Defence 

It has been stated that the responsibility of each self- 
governing portion of the Empire for its local defence in 
the first instance is a fundamental principle of imperial 
defence. This responsibility extends to the time that may 
be necessary to establish our sea supremacy sufficiently 
to move reinforcements by sea. Unless, therefore, the 
blow is swift and sudden, any prospective enemy must 
expect to have to reckon with reinforcements arriving from 
all parts of the Empire, and with the risk of his communica- 
tions by sea shortly being interrupted. As we have 
already admitted that if decisive results are aimed at 
complete command of the sea must eventually be estab- 
lished, it will be seen that those portions of the Empire 
that can only be approached by sea have little to fear 
beyond raiding attacks unless our sea power suffers a 
decided check. 

A possible exception/to the above is the United Kingdom, Land 
in which case it is held by some authorities that a blow frontiers 
at the heart might be fatal, and that such a blow could Empire, 
conceivably be delivered in spite of our sea supremacy. 


What justice there is in this contention we will shortly 
examine, but before doing so it is necessary to mention 
our land frontiers. The frontiers of India are fortunately 
not at present conterminous with those of any great 
military Power, but their defence involves problems of 
the greatest complexity, which will be dealt with generally 
in this section. The frontiers of Canada are conterminous 
with those of the United States alone, and this fact, for 
reasons already explained, relieves Canada and ourselves 
from the necessity of incurring serious burdens for their 
defence. The only land frontier of Egypt that is liable to 
attack by Turkey is very difficult of access. And finally, 
though the land frontiers of our South African dominions 
are conterminous with those of German territory, there is 
little to be feared at present in this direction, provided our 
sea supremacy is maintained. 
Home The great importance of the security of the heart of 

e ence. ^ e j] m pj re canno fc b e denied, but it would be an error 
to consider home defence as a separate military problem. 
It is almost inconceivable, under the conditions of the 
present day, that an attack on this country could be the 
sole issue of any war in which we could be involved. It 
is, in fact, certain that the protection of the British Isles 
will form one, and not necessarily the most important, 
of many strategical problems that will arise should we 
become engaged in a serious struggle with a great maritime 
Power ; that is to say, the decisive issue of the war will 
probably not be fought out in this country. 

The nature of the attacks to which this country might 
be liable can be classified under two heads — c Invasion ' 
and ' Raid ', which it will be well to define clearly. 

* Invasion ' may be defined as an attack the object of 
which is to bring about the decisive issue in the invaded 

A ' Raid ' may be defined as a secondary attack, 

intended to distract attention from, or to weaken our 

forces at, the decisive point. 

Invasion. In 1905 Mr. Balfour, in his capacity as Prime Minister 

and Chairman of the Committee of Imperial Defence, 


made a statement in the House of Commons on the subject 
of invasion of a highly reassuring nature, based on an in- 
vestigation of the subject carried out by the Committee 
of Imperial Defence. Taking France as the potential 
invader, on the assumption that the difficulties of the 
problem as affecting France were less than would be 
encountered by any other Power, Mr. Balfour stated the 
general conclusion that serious invasion of these islands 
was at that time not a possibility that we needed seriously 
to consider, so long as our naval supremacy was main- 
tained, and so long as the military force in the United 
Kingdom did not fall below a figure which might induce 
an enemy to attempt invasion by means of a force of 
less than 70,000 men. 

Owing to representations made by Lord Roberts, in 
which he differed from the conclusions reached by 
Mr. Balfour, a further investigation was conducted by 
a sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence 
in 1908. 

The conclusions arrived at on that occasion may be 
summarized as follows : 

1. That so long as our naval supremacy is assured 
against any reasonably probable combination of Powers 
invasion is impracticable. 

2. That if we permanently lose command of the sea, 
whatever may be the strength of our Home Army, the 
subjection of the country is inevitable. 

3. That our army for Home Defence ought to be 
sufficient in numbers and organization, not only to repel 
raids, but to compel an enemy who contemplates invasion 
to come with so substantial a force as will make it 
impossible for him to evade our fleets. 

4. That in order to ensure an ample margin of safety 
such a force may, for purposes of calculation, be assumed 
to be 70,000 men. 

These conclusions were reached in the autumn of 1908 
and were made public 1 in the following year. They have 
been subjected to much adverse criticism, but Mr. Asquith 

1 Mr. Asquith's statement in the House of Commons, July 29, 1909. 


specifically stated that all the naval as well as the military 
members of the sub -committee were at one in this matter, 
and in view of the ever-changing conditions a further 
inquiry was entered upon by the Government at the 
beginning of 1913. 

The elements of the problem of a successful invasion 
of this country can be stated in a few sentences. The 
destruction of our naval power and the permanent loss 
of sea command need not be considered, for in such 
circumstances invasion would be unnecessary. The case 
for consideration is that in which the command of the 
sea is in dispute. An essential preliminary is sufficient 
control of the route to be followed by the expedition to 
enable it to have a reasonable prospect of reaching its 
destination and completing its disembarkation. For this 
to be possible our navy must be thrown temporarily on the 
defensive in home waters, and that to a degree which 
would make it incapable of a successful attack on the 
transports, which, if history is in any way a reliable 
guide, means a very considerable reduction of our naval 
power below that of the enemy. The military force 
attempting the invasion must be of sufficient strength 
to overcome the resistance of our land forces rapidly, 
which implies a vigorous offensive. The proximity of 
London to the coast and the extent to which the resources 
of the country are concentrated there make it a vulner- 
able and perhaps a decisive objective. 

These conditions impose on the defending force the 
necessity for a rapid offensive with a view to preventing 
the enemy reaching London. The short, sharp, and 
decisive nature of the campaign is further emphasized 
by the fact that it is necessary to assume that our sea 
power is not destroyed, but only thrown temporarily on 
the defensive. The enemy cannot, therefore, ensure the 
security of his maritime communications, and stakes his 
all on a rapid issue to the contest. As regards our land 
forces, the strategy of such a campaign may be summed 
up as follows : 

Observe the coast. 


Resist the enemy's landing and delay his advance. 

Concentrate a superior force against him and attack 
and defeat him as soon as he can be brought to action. 
This implies a necessity for rapid mobilization and a high 
standard of efficiency in the defending army, so as to 
assure the assumption of a rapid offensive with a good 
prospect of success. There will be no time for the arrival 
of reinforcements or the perfecting of the organization 
of partially organized troops. 

The question is one of such interest that the author of General 
this chapter is tempted to give his own conclusions on the J^ 1 Q ( J ra ' 
subject. They are : invasion 

1 . That on the outbreak of war with a maritime Power pr ° 
or group of Powers the command of the sea will be in 
dispute and will remain in dispute for a period the extent 

of which cannot be estimated. 

2. That during this period the movement of military 
expeditions by sea by either belligerent will be accom- 
panied by risk varying according to the degree to which 
the belligerent concerned can temporarily control com- 
munications along the route to be followed by the trans- 
ports, and the size of the military expedition. 

3. That if the military expedition is so small that it 
has a reasonable prospect of evading the hostile fleets, 
and its object is of the nature of a raid as previously 
defined, then the control of communications is unneces- 
sary. Such raids can therefore be carried out in the face 
of superior naval force, acting offensively. But if decisive 
operations are aimed at, the expedition will necessarily be 
of such a size that evasion of superior naval force will be 
impossible, and control of maritime communications will 
then be essential for a sufficient period for the expedition 
to achieve its object. 

4. That such control of maritime communications can 
only be obtained by successful naval action, which will throw 
the enemy on the defensive at sea, at least temporarily, 
or by the coalition of superior naval force against us. 

5. That the land forces which it is necessary for us to 
maintain for protection against oversea attack will vary 


directly with the relative strength and efficiency of our 
fleets as compared with those of our possible opponents. 
If the Navy is kept at a strength which will enable it to 
maintain a continuous offensive at sea with certainty, 
provision need only be made for the repelling of such 
raiding attacks as may evade the fleet, but if the relative 
strengths of our own and the opposing fleets do not 
preclude the idea of our being thrown temporarily on the 
defensive at sea, then land forces must be maintained 
sufficient as regards numbers, organization, power of rapid 
mobilization, mobility and training to assume the offensive 
rapidly against any hostile force that may effect a landing 
on these shores during a period when we are thrown on 
the defensive, and to defeat it before it can attain its 

6. That if we permanently lose command of the sea, 
whatever may be the strength and organization of our 
Home Army, the subjection of the country is inevitable. 
Naval The possibility of a successful invasion of this country 

considera- hinges, therefore, primarily on the strength at which our 
naval forces are maintained as compared to those of our 
possible enemies, and also on a correct estimation of the 
necessary strength of our military forces as compared 
with our naval forces. If our naval forces are allowed to 
decrease in strength as compared with those of foreign 
Powers our military forces must be increased in propor- 
tion, but it is clear that a point is soon reached at which 
military strength cannot take the place of naval strength, 
for the whole case turns on the temporary nature of the 
enemy's control of sea communication, and the possibility 
of our being able to renew the attack successfully at sea 
before he has achieved his object on land. If we are 
beaten at sea beyond the possibility of reasonably rapid 
recovery, it is acknowledged by all authorities that we 
cannot continue to fight with any prospect of success. 

We have been frequently thrown on the defensive at 
sea in the past, and if Great Britain has been immune from 
invasion for many centuries it has been due to the skill of 
our great admirals in the conduct of naval warfare and 


the high standard of fighting efficiency of our fleets rather 
than to numerical or material superiority. Invasions of 
this country have invariably been planned whenever our 
sea power has suffered a reverse, and there is no reason 
to suppose that they will not be planned again if our land 
forces are inadequate to meet such attacks. 

The arduous nature of offensive naval warfare and the 
risks that must be encountered in waging it at the present 
day have already been pointed out, and these considera- 
tions emphasize the necessity for adequate naval pre- 
ponderance over our possible enemies, seeing that it is 
hardly reasonable to assume superior skill in the conduct 
of war on the part of our commanders or superior fighting 
efficiency in our fleets till they have been tried in the 
ordeal of war. 

It is necessary now to consider the adequacy of our Military 
military forces for carrying out their role. As has been ^ S g dera " 
stated, home defence can scarcely arise as an isolated 
military problem. In view of our naval preponderance 
it seems reasonable to assume that in any great emergency 
the decisive theatre on land will probably not be in this 
country. Strategy demands concentration at the decisive 
point, but whether we can reach the decisive point with 
our military forces must depend in most cases on the 
development of the naval situation, as also does the 
number of troops that it will be necessary to keep in 
this country for its defence. It is hardly too much to 
say that success may well depend on a just appreciation 
of this problem. 

In estimating the number of troops that can be sent 
abroad for any given purpose, the necessary provision 
for home defence must always be fully considered in 
view of the possibility of intervention by a maritime 
Power or group of Powers. It must be admitted that 
circumstances may arise necessitating the dispatch abroad 
of the bulk of our available regular troops at home. There 
are risks which we must incur, however great they may be, 
such as those incurred during the South African war, 
when the coalition of several of the great Powers against 


us was at one time a very possible contingency. But if 
in such circumstances the Navy proves unequal to its 
task a situation will occur similar to that which resulted 
in the loss of the American colonies. The coalition of 
French, Spanish, and American sea power wrested from 
us temporarily the command of the sea and led to the 
surrender of Yorktown. 

It is hardly to be wondered at in these circumstances 
that want of public confidence in the Territorial Force has 
led to the criticism that any inadequacy of our provision 
for home defence is bound to react unfavourably on the 
sphere of action of the Expeditionary Force and to have 
a cramping effect on our naval strategy. Whether our 
military arrangements for home defence are adequate 
or not depends on two factors : (i) the degree of security 
afforded by the Navy, and (ii) the claims that the 
responsibilities attaching to the defence of the Empire 
abroad and our friendships on the Continent may make 
on our Home Army. 
Raids. Raids may be carried out even while we are waging 

offensive naval warfare by forces that can evade the fleet. 
The smaller the force, the easier it will be to evade the 
fleet, but, on the other hand, the less damage it will be 
able to do. 

Raids may be carried out with any of the following 
objects : 

1. To reduce our naval power by attacking objectives 
that are of importance to the Navy. 

2. To keep the Expeditionary Force, or part of it, at 
home when a sound strategy demands its presence 

3. To depress the moral of the nation. 

To guard against raids it is necessary to provide 
garrisons for our defended ports and mobile forces to 
attack instantly any hostile forces that effect a land- 
ing. Vulnerable spots, such as magazines, stores, docks, 
signal stations, cable landing-places, and our railway and 
telegraph systems must be guarded against damage by 
evilly-disposed persons employed by the enemy. 


The necessity to guard against aerial attack is an 
important problem of the future, which is now receiving 
the most careful consideration. 

As many of these duties imply only passive defence, 
they are essentially suitable for second-line or partially 
trained troops. 

The Defence of India 
The problem of the defence of India is among the most Uncertain 


complicated and difficult problems that arise in connexion 
with imperial defence. Not only is it possible that large 
forces may be required, far beyond those which the 
British garrison and the Indian Army can provide, but 
there are many factors to be considered, the relations of 
which to one another must always be a matter of conjec- 
ture. The attitude of Russia, of the Amir of Afghanistan, 
and of the frontier tribes, cannot be considered apart, 
yet their relations to one another are capable of many 

It has been pointed out that while our friendships with 
certain Powers make war with these Powers less likely 
than formerly, the purely strategical elements of the 
problems of defence have not necessarily been altered 
thereby. This especially applies to the Russian Agreement 
and the defence of India. The matters to which we have 
to look are the Russian forces that can be brought to 
bear, the Russian railway system, the geographical 
conditions, and problems of time and space. The only 
one of these that has been affected by the Anglo-Russian 
Agreement is the Russian railway system. For some 
years after the agreement was entered into, little or 
nothing was done towards the completion of the railway 
from Samarkand to Termez, but the recent resuscitation 
of the project is a pretty sure indication that Russia 
has no intention of allowing her strategic position in 
Central Asia to suffer a permanent set-back, and it is 
therefore desirable to consider the defence of India from 
the point of view of a hostile Russia, on the principle that 
the greater contains the less. 

1321-6 p 


Obliga- Before proceeding further it is necessary to state 

Afghan- briefly the nature of our obligations to the Amir of 
istan. Afghanistan. In July 1880 we entered into an agree- 
ment with the Amir, Abdur Rahman, whereby we 
undertook, if any Power should attempt to interfere in 
Afghanistan, and if such interference were to take the 
form of unprovoked aggression, to be prepared to assist 
the Amir, provided he followed our advice in his external 
relations. This agreement was confirmed by the Dane 
Mission in 1905. The only condition is that the Amir 
should follow our advice in his external relations, a some- 
what difficult condition for him to carry out to the letter, 
considering that his frontiers are conterminous with those of 
Russia ; in fact, so difficult that the necessity for direct 
communication between Afghan and Russian officials on 
purely local matters has been recognized by the British 
The fron- In the year 1893 the delimitation of the south-eastern 
tier tnbes » frontier of Afghanistan was carried out by the Durand 
Mission, the Amir undertaking to preserve order amongst 
the tribes up to what has come to be known as the Durand 
line. On the other side of the line the British sphere of 
responsibility begins, but there is still a vast area, in- 
habited by the most turbulent and fanatical of the frontier 
tribes, which has not been brought under direct British 
administration and is only under our political supervision. 
The greater part of the 200,000 fighting men of the tribes 
in this region may conceivably take up arms against us 
at a time when we are expected by the Amir to render 
him prompt military assistance. The effect of these 
unruly hordes raiding our communications and looting 
the villages of the North-west Frontier Province might 
well be to lock up a considerable proportion of our 
available field army for the protection of our communica- 
tions, and could not fail to have effect on our striking 
power beyond our frontier. A consoling factor is the 
inability of the tribes to combine owing to want of 
organization, but as a set-off to this, it must be admitted 
that the territories of the most warlike and powerful 

INDIA 211 

clans lie alongside the most important roads into Afghan- 

This brief review justifies the statement already made Internal 
that large forces may be required for the defence of India, tieg in " 
far beyond those which the British garrison and the Indian India- 
Army can provide. 

Space does not admit of a detailed description of the The 
topographical features of that district commonly known w °* fc 
as the North-west Frontier of India and Afghanistan, routes 
but in order to appreciate the elements of the strategical 
situation it is necessary to study a map, for there is 
no military problem that is so much influenced by what, 
for want of a better term, we may call strategical geography. 
Here all that can be attempted is to mention some of the 
leading features. Beginning, then, on the Indian side 
of the area, there is the river Indus, rising in the Hima- 
layas and flowing for 300 miles in a north-westerly 
direction as far as Bunji, where it makes a right-angle 
turn and flows south-west to the Indian Ocean near 
Karachi. Starting from the Pamirs, at the north-western 
end of the Himalayas, the great frontier range of mountains 
follows the left bank of the Indus, the heights gradually 
falling as the sea is approached through Baluchistan. 
This range is pierced by many passes, those north of the 
Kabul River being of minor importance as they lead only 
to mountain districts impracticable for military operations 
on any but a small scale. South of the Kabul River the 
principal passes are the Khaibar, and the Kurrum, Tochi, 
Gomal, and Zhob valleys, till we come to Quetta, where 
the range is pierced by our railway system, with its 
termini at New Chaman and Nushki. Having practically 
the same origin at the north-western end of the Himalayas, 
another and greater range, the Hindu Kush, runs almost 
due west parallel to the Oxus, the heights again falling 
gradually through the Koh-i-Baba and the Safed Koh 
till the plain is reached at Herat. The triangle between 
these two ranges north of the line Herat-Kandahar is 
a mountainous district, with Kabul, itself 6,000 feet above 
the sea, at its apex. Rising in this area the river Helmand 



flows south past Girishk, some 60 miles west of Kandahar, 
till it reaches Landi Wali, where it turns west and even- 
tually empties itself into the marshy district known as 
Seistan on the Persian border. 

A glance at a map suffices to show that while 
Kabul can only be approached from the north over 
the formidable passes of the Hindu Kush, Kandahar is 
approachable via Herat and Girishk by a much more 
practicable route, over which a railway could follow an 
army without encountering any very serious obstacles. 
On the other hand, an advance on India via Kabul and 
the Khaibar leads first of all to the fertile province of the 
Punjab and thence to the heart of India, whereas an 
advance via Kandahar and Quetta leads only to the 
desert of Rajputana. 
Russian Let us consider for a moment the Russian system of 
raihvays. strategic railways. This system consists of two main 
lines, the Tashkend- Orenburg Railway and the Trans- 
Caspian Railway, the two being joined together by the 
line running from Merv, through Bokhara and Samarkand, 
to Andijan, parallel to the frontier of Afghanistan and at 
a mean distance of some 200 miles from it. From this 
line there is an extension from Merv through Pendjdeh 
to Kushk Post, which is actually on the frontier, but 
the proposed extension from Samarkand to Termez has, 
as already stated, never been completed. 
Plan of This review of the strategical factors involved in the 
skmSi- S P r °bl em of the defence of India points to certain 
vance conclusions. India is not liable to any attack aimed 
Afghani- a ^ overthrowing our Indian Empire at a rush. The 
stan. geographical conditions and the state of the communi- 
cations would necessitate a step by step advance, with 
pauses on the part of the enemy for the purpose of 
consolidating his position. While therefore large num- 
bers might conceivably be required for the defence of 
India, time, amounting possibly to some years, would be 
available, in which to develop our military resources and 
bring them into the field, before any actual invasion of 
Indian territory could be attempted. 

INDIA 213 

The project of a Trans-Persian Railway was much The Per- 
discussed during the summer of 1912, when it was stated intoTndL 
in The Times of June 14 that conversations had begun and pro- 
between the British and Russian Ministers and the Persian ra iiways. 
Foreign Minister with the object of securing for the 
Societe d'fitudes an option for the survey and construction 
of the line. 

It may be said that two projects have received con- 
sideration, the first being a line from Resht, via Teheran, 
Isfahan, Yezd, Kerman, and Robat, to connect through 
Baluchistan with our present railway terminus at 
Nushki, near Quetta. This was a Russian proposal which 
our Government has apparently refused to consider. 
The second is a line from Teheran, via Isfahan and 
Shiraz to Bandar Abbas and thence following the coast 
route to Karachi. The opinion of the Government on 
this line has never been clearly stated in public, but the 
project has received influential support in this country. 
It has, however, been strenuously opposed by the military 
correspondent of The Times on the grounds that it 
would impose additional anxieties upon us in connexion 
with the defence of India by increasing the front on which 
our already slender military forces might be required to 
deploy. This authority, moreover, is not impressed with 
the security that the coast route would afford in view 
of our position at sea. While much has already been said 
to show that it may, in certain circumstances, take us 
some time to establish command of the Pacific and Indian 
Oceans, still considerable time would be required to 
develop a serious attack on India by means of such a 
railway, and it could hardly be persevered with in the 
face of our established supremacy at sea unless our mili- 
tary power collapsed almost completely. Granting the 
above, the weight of argument would certainly be 
against the construction of the line if the strategical 
aspect of the question were to govern the decision, as 
has been the case with all projects for a Channel 
Tunnel. The two cases are not without their points of 


Effect of A word must now be said as to the effect that the 
Stary obligation of defending India may have on our military 
system at system at home. It must be remembered that such a war 
would be of a peculiar nature, quite different from the 
national wars that are waged on the Continent of Europe. 
Like the Manchurian war, it would be fought by both 
belligerents in the territory of a third party. On the part 
of our enemy it would be a war of military adventure. For 
ourselves, we should be fighting for the maintenance of 
our Indian Empire, an issue of which it would be diffi- 
cult to overestimate the importance, but at the same time 
one that would not affect the springs of our national 
life in the same way as an invasion of this country or 
a maritime war aimed at the destruction of our oversea 
trade and at depriving us during its course of the food 
supply and raw material that are necessary for our 
national existence. It would be a war, therefore, in which 
it would be difficult to employ a national army did we 
possess one. It is true that Russia and Japan both 
employed national armies in somewhat similar conditions 
in Manchuria, but the Japanese people realized that 
national interests of vital importance to them were at 
stake. Such was not the case with Russia, and the 
difficulties that the war consequently brought upon her 
at home are a matter of history. 

The Defence of Egypt and the Suez Canal 

The importance of the Suez Canal to the Empire in 
time of war, as the link between East and West, hardly 
needs to be demonstrated, and the vital necessity of main- 
taining our military position in Egypt follows therefrom. 

In times of peace we maintain in Egypt an army of 
occupation consisting of about 6,000 men of all arms. 
The Government of the Khedive maintains the Egyptian 

From the size of our force in Egypt it is evident that it 
is not in a position to resist either form of organized 
attack to which that country might be liable, namely, 


attack by a European Power coming from oversea, and 
attack by Turkey by way of the Sinai Peninsula, which 
has necessarily been taken into consideration since the 
Akaba" incident of 1908. To prevent an oversea attack, 
command of the Mediterranean is essential. It is, of 
course, possible that reinforcements might reach Egypt 
from South Africa, Australia, or India at a time when the 
command of the Mediterranean was in dispute, but 
generally speaking it may be said that the defence of 
Egypt rests primarily on our ultimate sea supremacy 
in the Mediterranean, and that the first duty of the army 
of occupation is the maintenance of internal order. 
Should we be involved in a war of the first magnitude, 
it is probable that the ultimate fate of Egypt would 
depend on the general result of the war, and that any 
large increase of the present garrison would involve the 
risk of locking up troops that might be urgently wanted 
elsewhere, and add to the scale of the disaster should we 
suffer a reverse. At the same time, the maxim beati 
possidentes is not without its value during peace nego- 
tiations, though it has led to much misdirection of British 
naval and military resources in the past. 

Local Defence of the Dominions 

The governments of the dominions have for some years 
recognized their responsibility for local defence, but the 
question is complicated somewhat by that of local navies. 
In dealing with the principles involved in the mainten- 
ance of our sea supremacy it has been pointed out that 
naval defence can seldom be local, and that if the maxi- 
mum advantage is to be gained from local navies unity 
of command and freedom of action are essential. The 
Admiralty never ceases to urge this doctrine, but it is 
easy to realize that in time of war its application may 
be difficult, and that strong pressure may be applied for 
the retention of local navies in local waters, particularly 
if any immediate danger is to be feared locally. The 
education of the public in the dominions to a proper 


understanding of the problems of defence can alone 
obviate this difficulty. 

In any case local navies must necessarily mean local 
defended ports and garrisons, which will be maintained 
by the dominions themselves, except in such cases as 
Simon's Bay and Table Bay, which serve important 
imperial as well as local interests. 

The dominions all maintain local field forces, and are 
organizing and training these with a view to considerable 
expansion in war. The principles on which these local 
forces are organized and maintained in the dominions 
and the problems of defence in each case are discussed 
in the chapters dealing in detail with the different portions 
of the Empire. 

5. Mutual Assistance 

Naval. The question of mutual assistance at sea has been fully 

discussed under the head of sea supremacy, and it is 
not necessary to reiterate the principles on which it is 
Military: As in the case of the Navy, the United Kingdom 
th ?-5 x \ assumes full responsibility for the military defence of the 
ary Force Empire, but she invites assistance. The instrument that 
tasks!* 8 sne nerse lf maintains for the purpose is the Expeditionary 
Force, and many and varied are the tasks that may fall to 
its lot, as a study of our past campaigns will show. The 
frontiers of the Empire and the problems involved in their 
defence may bring us into contact with civilized, semi- 
civilized, and barbarous races. No foe, no climate, and no 
hardships must come amiss to the British regular army, 
and no conditions of warfare must be unfamiliar to its 
commanders. Leaving aside the American continent and 
the West Indies, it is sufficient to mention India, Persia, 
China, Abyssinia, North, East, West, and South Africa, to 
bring to mind the variety of the conditions under which 
the Expeditionary Force may be called upon to fight. But 
in spite of this there has been a marked tendency in all 
recent changes and reforms to assimilate the organization 


and training of the Regular Army to that of European 
troops of the best type. This has obviously been caused 
by a change in the strategical centre of gravity of the 
Empire, if such a phrase is permissible. Pressure near 
the heart has for some time been a constant source of 
uneasiness and apprehension. That this has caused 
some hostile criticism of our military policy must be 
admitted, but it is justified by the consideration that it is 
wise to prepare for the contingency that will require the 
most rapid and energetic action. Other contingencies will 
afford us time to effect the necessary modifications in 
our organization, but we must beware of over-elaboration 
in our methods for fear we may lose the power to extem- 
porize in an emergency, a very necessary quality for 
the British military administrator and commanders in 
the field. 

The movement towards the military co-operation of Co-opera- 
the dominions had its genesis in the South African war. Jomkdons 
On that occasion a quite unforeseen enthusiasm was and or- 
f ound to exist in the dominions for rendering military of their 10 " 
assistance to the mother country. Unfortunately there forces. 
was no organization in existence for the purpose. Con- 
tingents were raised haphazard, and naturally there was 
an entire lack of uniformity in their organization. More- 
over, although the question of the command of the sea 
did not arise, it took some time before they could be dis- 
patched to the seat of war. The excellent quality of the 
troops and their admirable services to the Empire are 
now a matter of history, but it was felt that more might 
have been done if there had been more forethought and 
previous organization. 

The question of mutual assistance has been discussed 
at conferences that have been held with representatives 
of the dominions since the South African war, and 
a general agreement in favour of co-operation has been 
found to exist. No guarantee has been asked for by the 
mother country, and it has been left to the dominions 
to do what they feel that they can in the matter, but 
there has been a general agreement to organize local 


forces with a view to a possible co-operation for a common 
end. Efforts are being made to assimilate war establish- 
ments of units and formations to those of the Expedi- 
tionary Force, The dominions have agreed to adopt the 
Training Manuals in use by the British Army, and this 
is taken into consideration in drafting these works. 
Efforts are being made to assimilate armament, stores, 
and equipment, and it has been decided to develop an 
Imperial General Staff with the object of assimilating 
military education and imbuing all the military forces 
of the Empire with a common doctrine. 

While considerable progress has been made on the above 
lines it must be admitted that none of the dominions 
has yet seen its way to organizing any permanent military 
forces of the type of the Expeditionary Force, available 
at short notice to take part in the defence of the Empire 
oversea. Time, therefore, will still be necessary in which 
to organize contingents for military service outside the 
territories of the dominions themselves. 

6. The Maintenance of the Military Equilibrium 
in Europe 

It has already been pointed out in the section of this 
chapter dealing with foreign policy that the traditional 
policy of this country, though perhaps not always openly 
avowed of recent years, has been the maintenance of the 
balance of power in Europe, and the tendency of events 
has been to emphasize the importance of this question 
from a military point of view. It is true that Mr. Asquith 
stated explicitly in the House of Commons in March 
1913, that the nature of our understanding with France 
does not compel us to render military assistance to that 
country in any circumstances whatever. Naturally the 
employment of our military and naval forces in any 
crisis that may arise must be decided in accordance 
with the circumstances of each particular case by the 
Government of the day. It is, however, a matter of 
common knowledge that the events of the autumn of 


1911 and the winter of 1912-13 necessitated the earnest 
consideration of the contingency of war between the 
Powers of the Triple Alliance and those of the Triple 
Entente, and the condition of affairs on the Continent 
is such that the strategical problems involved in such 
a war cannot fail to be a matter of preoccupation for 
some time to come. 

The nature of such a war and the action of the com- 
batants would of course be governed by circumstances 
which cannot be foreseen. The objects that each of the 
combatants might have in view in taking part would 
affect their conduct of the war, and the action of several 
of the minor Powers might have a modifying influence 
on that of the Great Powers concerned. 

It is, therefore, not possible to forecast in any way the Condi- 
course that the military operations would take, but as J^ntlnen- 
regards their general character we must remember that war tal war- 
between the great continental nations takes the form that 
Clausewitz called absolute war. It is waged by national 
armies that are capable of rapid mobilization, and can be 
transported to and concentrated at the seat of war in a few 
weeks. The manhood of the nations is absorbed in the 
national armies, with the result that business comes to 
a standstill to a very great extent. To be successful 
the campaign must be short, sharp, and decisive, and the 
blow is therefore delivered with the maximum force 
available at the outset, the side which suffers a reverse in 
the early stages being kept on the run and being given no 
opportunity to recover from the shock. 

Time, numbers, efficient organization, training, and 
leadership are the factors that make for success. One other 
factor is of even greater importance, and that is the 
determination of the Government of the country, sup- 
ported by the people, to make full use of the national 
resources to win. 

The nature of the military assistance that we can give 
to our friends on the Continent is limited by certain factors. 
Our army must cross the sea to arrive at the seat of war. 
Therefore to the ordinary operations of mobilization must 


be added the collection and fitting up of transports, the 
embarkation of the troops, and the passage of the narrow 
seas and the disembarkation at a friendly port or ports. 
Although the numbers to be dealt with are small, com- 
pared to those which the principal combatants would be 
concentrating by rail, it is perhaps not unreasonable to 
anticipate that even under the most favourable circum- 
stances these conditions would impose a certain amount 
of delay in reaching the area chosen for the strategic 
deployment of the army, and render its arrival in time 
to participate in the first great battles of the war some- 
what problematical. 

The number of troops available for such a campaign 
would be limited at the outset to the 6 Divisions of the 
Expeditionary Force, or approximately 160,000, and it 
is conceivable that the requirements of home defence 
might necessitate some deductions being made from these 
numbers. If the main forces of the principal combatants 
were evenly matched, a British contingent might be 
sufficiently formidable to exercise a considerable, if not 
a decisive, influence on the course of the operations were 
it to arrive in time. But the real difficulty of the pro- 
blem is to get the force to the right place at the right 
time, and considering the continuous increase in the 
naval power of our possible adversaries, it would be 
unreasonable to expect the Government of this country 
to give any definite undertaking to provide a military 
contingent of a fixed strength by a fixed date for military 
operations on the Continent. It might find itself involved 
in a situation in which it could not carry out such an 

But although our power to render military assistance 
to our friends on the Continent must, in the circumstances 
of the present day, be to some extent problematical, it 
does not follow that our friendship is for that reason of 
little or no value. Our naval power, when acting in 
combination with that of friendly Powers, would assure 
the safety of the oversea trade and the maritime com- 
munications of our friends, while the oversea trade of our 


enemies would necessarily cease, a consideration of great, 
if not vital, importance. 

It must, moreover, always be borne in mind that the Political 
action of the Government in the conduct of war, to be twiTto 
successful, must be based upon the whole-hearted support ' Eur °- 
of the nation, and, if the co-operation of the dominions tangle- 
is hoped for, of the Empire. At present it must be ments * 
admitted that, in spite of military opinion, there is a very 
strong current of public opinion both at home and in the 
dominions strongly opposed to what it calls European 
entanglements. The probable effect of this opinion in any 
given circumstances, and whether it will increase or 
decrease in strength in the future, are problems for the 
statesman rather than the writer on purely military 

7. The Committee of Imperial Defence 

The genesis of the Committee of Imperial Defence was 
the Defence Committee of the Cabinet, which was set 
up under the chairmanship of the late Duke of Devonshire 
on the formation of Lord Salisbury's third administra- 
tion. In 1902, as the result of the South African war, 
this Committee, which cannot be said ever to have shown 
any great activity, was remodelled to include the political 
and professional heads of the Army and Navy, and 
arrangements were made to keep a record of its proceed- 
ings. It was not, however, till two years later that, 
largely in consequence of a recommendation of Lord 
Esher's Committee on the reconstitution of the War 
Office, Mr. Balfour formally created the Committee of 
Imperial Defence in its present form, with the Prime 
Minister as its invariable Chairman. 

The Committee is an advisory committee summoned An advi- 
by the Prime Minister, and not a permanent body. In J^ e e° m " 
practice, the Ministers responsible for the Treasury, 
Foreign, Colonial, India, Admiralty, and War Offices are 
always summoned, together with certain of their pro- 
fessional advisers in the case of the Admiralty and the 
War Office. Other Ministers are summoned when any 



with a per- 

Its sub- 

tions for 
an Im- 

subject concerning their departments is under discussion. 
In addition, the Prime Minister directs from time to time 
that certain distinguished naval and military officers and 
other individuals with special knowledge of questions of 
defence shall be regularly summoned. Summonses have 
also been issued as opportunity offered for the attendance 
of representatives of the dominions, the Viceroy of India, 
the British Agent in Egypt, and others. 

Apart from the appointment of the Prime Minister 
as Chairman, the principal change made in 1904 by 
Mr. Balfour was the appointment of a permanent Secre- 
tariat, the functions of which are to preserve records 
of the deliberations and decisions of the Committee, to 
collect information and prepare memoranda for the 
Committee, and thus to make possible a continuity of 
method in the treatment of questions of defence. 

As the Committee is only an advisory body, its decisions 
which require executive actions are carried out under the 
directions of the Minister in charge of the department 

The chief development of the work of the Committee 
since 1904 has been in the appointment of sub-committees 
to consider and report upon specific questions connected 
with Imperial Defence. The principal of these sub- 
committees are : The Oversea Defence Committee, the 
Home Ports Defence Committee, the Sub -Committee on 
Aerial Navigation, and the Sub -Committee for co-ordinat- 
ing the action of the different departments on the outbreak 
of war. Many and varied are the subjects that have been 
dealt with by these and other sub -committees of recent 
years, and their deliberations and reports cannot fail to 
have been of the greatest value to the departments 
primarily concerned with questions of defence, and to have 
increased materially the efficiency of our preparations 
for war. 

A reference has been made above to the summoning 
of representatives of the dominions to attend the meetings 
of the Committee when opportunity offered. Efforts 
have been made from time to time to associate the 


dominions in a more permanent manner with the conduct 
of imperial affairs, and proposals have been put forward 
for the creation of an Imperial Council. While the time 
may not have arrived for giving practical effect to such 
a far-reaching proposal, it has been felt that the frame- 
work of an Imperial Council for the discussion of defence 
questions exists in the Committee of Imperial Defence, 
and various proposals have been considered for securing 
a more permanent representation of the dominions on 
the Committee. 

It has been proposed that the high commissioners of 
the dominions should attend the meetings when ques- 
tions affecting their dominions are under consideration. 
An alternative proposal has been that the Defence 
Ministers of the dominions should come to London 
periodically to attend meetings of the Committee. Both 
of these proposals have unfortunately been found to have 
drawbacks. The permanent residence of the high 
commissioners in the United Kingdom involves prolonged 
absence from their respective dominions, and precludes 
them from being in immediate and personal touch with 
their respective governments. On the other hand, the 
defence ministers are prevented by their parliamentary 
duties, and in many cases by distance, from making frequent 
visits to this country. It is understood that no decision has 
yet been reached on the subject by any of the dominions. 

A proposal for the dominions to form local defence 
committees was put forward in 1911, and met with 
approval from the representatives of the dominions 
present at the Conference held in that year. Such com- 
mittees, which already exist in certain cases, will, when 
generally established, be of material assistance in co- 
ordinating the work of imperial defence. 

8. The Imperial General Staff 

The experience of the South African war led to a strong 
demand on the part of the press and public for a General 
Staff for the Army, a thinking department that would 
occupy itself primarily with the training of the troops and 


preparations for war. In 1903, Mr. Arnold-Forster, then 
Secretary of State for War, appointed a Committee under 
the Presidency of Lord Esher to consider the reconstitu- 
tion of the War Office. This famous Committee, after 
six weeks' deliberation, recommended drastic changes, 
including the abolition of the office of Commander-in- 
Chief and the formation of an Army Council. The First 
Military Member of the Army Council thus brought 
into being was the Chief of the General Staff, his depart- 
ment consisting of three Directorates, dealing respec- 
tively with Operations, Staff Duties, and Training. The 
remaining members were the Adjutant-General, the 
Quarter-Master-General, and the Master-General of the 
Ordnance. These reforms necessitated a redistribution 
of Staff Duties in the Commands and in the field, and every 
endeavour was made to fit the latter to the new system 
introduced at the War Office. The staff of an army in 
the field now consists of three branches, the General 
Staff branch, the Adjutant-General's branch, and the 
Quarter-Master-General's branch, and the duties of each 
are laid down in Field Service Regulations, Part II. It 
would be idle to contend that these reforms have been 
carried out without friction, or that the principles involved 
have escaped hostile criticism. Time has, however, to 
a large extent overcome the difficulties inherent in the 
introduction of such a far-reaching reform, and although 
our present staff system may not be ideal, and although 
it still finds opponents, it may be said without fear of 
contradiction that it is a workable system that should 
give far better results in war than the system which it 

The need for a General Staff selected from the forces 
of the Empire as a whole was affirmed by the Imperial 
Conference which met in London in 1907, and it was then 
decided that the Chief of the General Staff should put 
forward definite proposals to give effect to the resolutions 
of the Conference on this subject. Accordingly proposals 
were put forward to the governments of the dominions 
in December 1908. These proposals were generally 


accepted by the governments concerned, and the actual 
formation of an Imperial General Staff was then taken in 
hand. The general aim of the Imperial General Staff 
is to ensure similarity of thought and organization in 
military affairs throughout the Empire with a view to 
co-operation. This could hardly be hoped for without 
the existence of a supreme head. The Chief of the General 
Staff, therefore, became the Chief of the Imperial General 
Staff in November 1909, and now exercises his influence 
over the whole body, so far as is compatible with complete 
local control of purely local affairs. A Dominion section of 
the Imperial General Staff has been formed at the War 
Office, attached to the Staff Duties Directorate of the 
General Staff, and local sections have been formed in 
Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. These sections 
keep in close touch with one another by means of a 
direct system of semi-official correspondence on subjects 
approved by the governments concerned. 

One of the most important functions of the Imperial 
General Staff is educational, and several officers of the 
dominion forces have already graduated at the Staff 
Colleges at Camberley and Quetta. In order that the 
officers of the Imperial General Staff may be freely inter- 
changeable, a uniform qualification is now insisted upon, 
and officers of the dominion forces are not admitted to 
the Staff Colleges unless they qualify at the entrance 
examination, nor are they qualified for employment on the 
Imperial General Staff unless they obtain a satisfactory 
certificate on leaving. 

A system of interchange of officers has been introduced 
which assists military education and fosters similarity of 
thought and training. 

9. The Naval War Staff 

For many years the Admiralty was urged, both in 
and out of Parliament, to establish a War Staff for the 
Navy. The idea was not at first popular with our Naval 
administrators, who felt that they were being pressed to 

132L6 Q 


adopt a military institution which was not suited to the 
needs of the naval service. 

The foundation of a War Staff was first laid when 
the Foreign Intelligence branch was organized at the 
Admiralty, in 1883. Subsequently many of the elements 
of a War Staff at the Admiralty were successively evolved 
in the practical working of everyday affairs. A step 
forward was taken when the War College was instituted 
in 1902, and a further step followed when a War Council 
was formed at the Admiralty in 1906 for the consideration 
of war plans. But it remained for Mr. Churchill, when he 
became First Lord in 1911, to bring the War Staff as it at 
present exists into being. In a statement attached to the 
Naval Estimates of 1912-13 he explained the functions 
and organization of the new Naval War Staff. This state- 
ment began by pointing out the different nature of the 
staff problems of an Army and a Navy, and showed that 
while in the case of the Navy many of the complicated 
and intricate arrangements that are involved in the move- 
ment of large masses of troops on land are absent, still 
there are important staff duties to be performed in con- 
nexion with a fleet both in peace and war. 

As in the case of the Army, one of the most important 
duties of the War Staff is educational. It is a means of 
preparing those officers who are likely to arrive at stations 
of high responsibility for the extended problems that 
await them there. It is also a means of sifting and 
applying the results of history and experience, and of 
preserving them as a stock of reasoned opinion available 
as a guide to those who are called upon to determine the 
naval policy of the country. 

A Chief of the Staff has been appointed at the Admiralty 
whose duties are advisory, responsibility for decisions and 
executive action resting as heretofore with the First Sea 
Lord. The department of the Chief of the Staff is 
organized in three divisions, dealing respectively with 
Intelligence, Operations, and Mobilization. An important 
feature of the new arrangement is a close co-operation 
between the War Staff at the Admiralty and the General 


Staff at the War Office, and a proper connexion between 
the War Staff and the departments of State that are 
involved in the different aspects of its work. 

The officers of the War Staff receive a special education 
at the War College at Portsmouth, and those who pass 
the necessary examinations at the end of the course are 
eligible to receive appointments either at the Admiralty 
or on the staff of Flag Officers afloat. In all cases, how- 
ever, regular periods of sea-going executive duty will 
alternate with the other duties of Staff Officers, in order 
that they may be kept up to the necessary standard as 
practical sea officers. 

In the words of Mr. Churchill's statement, ' it is hoped 
that the result of these arrangements will be to secure for 
the Navy a body of officers afloat and ashore whose 
aptitudes for staff duties have been systematically trained 
and developed.' 

10. Aerial Navigation 

Great Britain cannot claim to have been in the van in 
the development of aerial navigation for military purposes. 
France took the lead in aeroplanes, Germany in dirigible 
airships, while the policy of our Government up to the 
year 1912 was to keep in touch with the movement rather 
than to hasten its development, it being felt that we stood 
to gain nothing by forcing a means of warfare which 
tended to reduce the value of our insular position and the 
protection afforded by our sea power. This attitude was 
the same as that adopted by the Government towards 
submarine navigation, in respect of which a progressive 
policy was adopted as soon as it was known that sub- 
marines were passing out of the experimental stage. 

The Balloon School and Factory, and subsequently the 
Air Battalion, assisted by the Advisory Committee for 
Aeronautics appointed to investigate scientifically the 
problems of aerial navigation, sufficed to keep us in touch 
with the movement, and it was not until reports were 
received of the admirable reconnaissance work carried 



out by the French military aeroplanes at the manoeuvres 
of 1910 that it was decided to adopt a progressive policy 
as regards aeroplanes for the Army. In 1912 it was fully 
recognized that aeroplanes would prove to be important 
auxiliaries to reconnaissance for both the Navy and the 
Army, and it was decided to provide sufficient aeroplanes 
for the Expeditionary Force, and to experiment with 
aeroplanes and hydroplanes for the Navy. 

To this end the Royal Flying Corps was formed, con- 
sisting of a Naval Wing, a Military Wing, the Central 
Flying School, and the Aircraft Factory. The head- 
quarters of the Naval Wing are now established at 
Eastchurch, the head- quarters of the Military Wing and the 
Aircraft Factory are at Farnborough, and the Central 
Flying School is at Upavon on Salisbury Plain. It is the 
intention that the Naval and Military Wings of the Royal 
Flying Corps should be capable of reinforcing one another 
in an emergency, and, moreover, it has been arranged to 
utilize by absorption into the Corps the full resources of 
the country in flying men and aeroplanes in the event 
of war. 

Since the policy was decided upon progress has been 
steady and continuous. By the end of 1913 it was 
anticipated that five aeroplane squadrons would be 
formed and equipped, and that we should possess about 
185 trained officer pilots. The needs of the Expeditionary 
Force would then be in a fair way to be provided for. 
The work of the Military Wing of the Flying Corps at the 
Army Manoeuvres of 1912 was in every way satisfactory, 
though it was unfortunately marred by the loss of four 
valuable lives. 

The policy of the Government as regards dirigible 
airships has not been so consistent. In 1909 the view 
prevailed that the potentialities of airships could only be 
definitely ascertained by building them. In consequence 
it was decided to experiment with small dirigibles of the 
non-rigid type for the Army and with large dirigibles of 
the rigid type for the Navy. The small Army dirigibles 
have proved satisfactory for the work of the Expeditionary 


Force, and acquitted themselves well at the manoeuvres 
of 1910 and 1912. But the Naval Airship No. 1, built for 
the Navy at Barrow in 1910, was a failure, and was 
wrecked before she had succeeded in making a journey in 
the air. As a result it was considered till early in 1912 
that the results to be obtained from the large type of 
rigid dirigible were not likely to be worth the expenditure 
involved. During the early part of 1912 it became known 
that the performances of the German Zeppelins were such 
that the potentialities of this type of dirigible for naval 
reconnaissance, and even for actual offensive purposes, 
could no longer be ignored. The policy was at once 
reversed, and it is now intended to provide dirigibles of 
the largest size for the Navy. 

Progress, while energetic, must be gradual. The per- 
sonnel must be trained with existing appliances, types of 
large dirigibles must be obtained for further experiments, 
and the manufacturing industry, both private and at the 
Aircraft Factory, must be developed. Sheds must also 
be provided for housing the dirigibles at suitable places. 

There is considerable leeway to be made up, and time, 
energy, and money will be required before the British air 
service can be fully developed to meet the requirements 
of the Army and the Navy. 



By E. B. Sargant 


Common What are the educational problems of the British 
pro ems. ( j omm j ons as a w hole, when distinguished on the one 
hand from those which appear to be world-wide, and on 
the other from those problems which have special relation 
to one or other part of our Empire ? No complete separa- 
tion is of course possible. And yet a preliminary glance 
may show us the questions that are in the main common 
to all countries, and therefore too wide for our present 
survey, and those which are of such a restricted and 
partial character that they would most naturally be 
discussed in the separate sections of this work. To begin 
with, let us see whether our educational institutions have 
any general foundations that are secure, and whether 
they are built in some fashion as a city that is compact 
together. ' Walk about Zion, and go round about her : 
tell the towers thereof. Mark ye well her bulwarks, 
consider her palaces : that ye may tell it to the generation 
Language. Of all common bonds in education, language is the most 
obvious, and here the want of coherence between British 
subjects regarded for a moment as a single community is 
self-evident. Almost every part of our Empire has its 
own particular difficulty in this respect, and some have 
more than one ; yet when we view the dominions as a 
whole, it is clear that their problem is not the same as the 
problem of the world itself in regard to language. For in 
speech, in writing, and in thought, English remains an 
instrument insensibly yet irresistibly drawing together 


the leaders of every separate community within the ambit 
of the Crown. In this connexion we are tempted perhaps 
to think too often of the South African Dutch, or of French 
Canadians, brought into closer understanding with each 
other and with their fellow-subjects through their leading 
professional men and their merchants, or through political 
chiefs speaking the same language across the council 
table in Whitehall. But our minds should dwell no less 
insistently upon the hundreds of thousands of Bengalis, for 
example, whose thoughts must unconsciously become 
modified by the ever-ripening experience of their poet 
and spiritual leader, Rabindra Nath Tagore. His know- 
ledge of Western civilization, and in particular his wonder- 
ful English transliterations of his poems in the vernacular, 
change, by the very effort required for self-expression in 
our language, his own state of consciousness ; and there- 
with colour all his subsequent interpretation of us to his 
fellow-countrymen as surely as they draw us closer in 
spirit to a little-understood people. What we have then 
to consider under this head is not only a problem of 
language but of leadership. 

Or take another bond in education, a common religion. Religion. 
That, even in the United Kingdom itself, there is no 
sufficient agreement about creeds to bind together the 
whole community for the corporate development of its 
schools is matter of everyday experience. And when 
we survey the Empire as a whole, how difficult it is to 
describe religion otherwise than as a force antagonistic 
to all common effort for education, that is to say, to all 
such effort as extends beyond the limits of each separate 
religious society. Here there is not, as in the case of 
language, any link connecting the leaders of the various 
communities ; on the contrary, those in spiritual high 
places are usually the very citizens who find it most diffi- 
cult to understand one another on theological grounds, or 
to act in concert with regard to school matters. Religious 
controversies about education are world-wide, it is true, 
and so far this is not specially a British problem ; but as 
there exists no other empire embracing so many creeds 


as our own, so there is none besides in which the same 
variety of political expedients has been devised to over- 
come the school difficulties arising in consequence. Of 
such expedients more than one have been widely adopted 
throughout the dominions under the Crown ; and these 
it will be necessary to discuss in turn, if only to illustrate 
that characteristic British temper in politics which 
combines forbearance towards religious agencies engaged 
in the work of education (and even support of their efforts 
under conditions tending to bring about harmonious 
action) with a definitely constructive policy on the part 
of the State, or of the corporations having derivative 
authority therefrom. It is not for nothing that the 
religious history of the United Kingdom has become 
interwoven in a special degree with her political conscious- 
ness. Educational compromises and understandings that 
in the past have served the purposes of England and Scot- 
land themselves, or of Great Britain in connexion with 
Ireland, are now available over a wider field, and as 
between religions more fundamentally opposed than 
any forms of Christian belief which have militated against 
one another within those isles. 
The Ethics have only a subordinate place in the settlement 

law° r ° f °^ ^ e foregoing question. Indeed it would be easy to 
point to more than one European nation which sets greater 
store than our own upon moral instruction in the schools. 
But while direct ethical considerations enter so little into 
our field of view, it is quite otherwise with law. Law 
will be found, unconsciously perhaps to the average 
Englishman, to dominate many of our thoughts in regard 
to education. By law it is here intended to convey not 
only a body of existing laws, but the means at hand for 
their due enforcement and also for their alteration when 
alteration is required. Among the educational problems of 
the British dominions as a whole, which are most insistent, 
is the adaptation to other circumstances and other peoples 
of that habit of mind with regard to law which scarcely 
ever becomes a matter of formal instruction in our English 
schools, but is insensibly acquired by our youth at every 


stage of growth, no less at home or upon the playing fields 
than in the class-room. It occupies a predominant place 
in our ideas of citizenship, and as an educational force 
permeating the whole Empire seems likely to grow to be 
a stronger bond even than the English language itself. 

To these conditions as they specially affect school The 
problems within the British dominions must be added an factor 1 " 
economic factor. The prosperity of a country — not only 
its wealth and its industries, but also the direction and 
rate at which these are changing — is related to its educa- 
tional development in many ways ; most obviously through 
the financial school burdens which any particular govern- 
ment is able to sustain. There are parts of our Empire 
in which prosperity coupled with other causes have led 
to the school systems being brought to as high a level as 
in any part of the world. But if our view be extended 
over the whole field, it is not true that British subjects 
are as well educated as the subjects of those other Great 
Powers whose populations are more homogeneous ; and 
in this connexion it cannot be too carefully borne in mind, 
that the increased prosperity and higher education of even 
the most advanced of the British dominions depend in 
no small measure upon the simultaneous advance in 
these respects of the territories under the Crown which 
at present are comparatively backward. Such considera- 
tions apply with even greater force to those British 
communities in which there are two distinct social orders, 
of which one represents largely the hewers of wood and 
drawers of water. Any neglect of the development of 
the more backward group must react unfavourably upon 
the development of the other, and ultimately leave its 
mark upon the whole Empire. 

Thus language, religion, law, and economics have each Custom 
their special relation to the educational problems before an 
us, though these relations are not wholly independent of 
one another. Indeed, it may with justice be said that 
they are all held together within the mesh of custom. 
There are those who would assign to race itself a foremost 
place in such a general discussion as this of school questions, 


and others who would insist upon the supreme importance 
of physical conditions. But the more we consider how 
even views that can fairly be called modern have changed 
as to the characteristics and capacities of particular races, 
and as to the conditions of climate, &c, in which men of 
every race can live and thrive, the safer it seems to deal 
with the problems before us under the heads which have 
been already indicated. If, however, race is not to be 
specifically insisted upon as of prime importance, we must 
take the greater care to assign to custom its full weight 
as a means of adjustment between education and each of 
the elements already specified. The need for this has been 
touched upon, though not explicitly, in what has just been 
said about the British habit of thought in regard to 
religion and the schools, but let us now consider for 
a moment how custom stands to mediate between educa- 
tion on the one hand and law on the other. Each true 
social order is distinguished from all others by its own 
body of customs, and the more permanent of these customs 
are embodied in law. Regarded from the social point 
of view, education is one of the most potent instruments 
in the hands of a reformer to effect a permanent change 
of custom. In the process of time such change of custom 
produces a change of law. Change of law is thus closely 
related to, and is, in part, the result of a definite scheme 
of education. But again : no man of whatever natural 
capacities can be a truly useful member of the society to 
which he belongs whose customs are so different from those 
of his fellows as to make close association with them 
impossible. Whatever his other talents as an individual 
leader may be, he will fail on this account to be in touch 
with his countrymen and to carry them further upon 
their appointed path. Education, therefore, even to 
supply the needful leaders, and much more in the case of 
the rank and file, must largely be determined by custom, 
and particularly by that more definite portion which has 
become embedded in the law. Thus action and reaction 
go on unceasingly through the channels of tradition, and 
a check is supplied alike to those who seek to reform 


a people by means of the education of its natural leaders 
in what may justly be called revolutionary ideas, and to 
those who in their impatience would select, for the same 
purpose, individuals brought up in a community with 
wholly different customs. All that can wisely be attempted 
by any ruler or government, external to a people, is to lift 
the whole of the younger generation a few steps above 
their elders in knowledge and desires, while leaving open 
the way for further progress to local initiative, so that by 
degrees the natural leaders of the people may appear and 
themselves shape the educational lines of advance of their 
fellow-countrymen. That British administrators have not 
more often or more completely failed in their efforts for 
the education of communities, while still in the condition 
of Crown colonies or of dependencies, is largely due to the 
respect of our whole nation for custom, and through 
custom for existing language, religion, law, and economic 

1. Educational Problems relating mainly to 

Let us now deal with those educational questions which 
are chiefly connected with language. It will be to our 
advantage to begin with the consideration of communities 
of British subjects far removed from our own in point of 
civilization ; for in this way many of the features of the 
problems to be attacked are sure to stand out in high 
relief, and we shall afterwards the more readily detect 
their presence elsewhere. 

One of the most striking features about such communities The 
is the complexity of their language in regard to all that o^En"- 8 
has to do with personal relations. Social barriers have l ish 
their corresponding barriers in speech to a degree almost British 
beyond the conception of those who have not made a 
special study of the subject ; conventions in verbal 
usage correspond to conventions in intercourse ; in fact, 
periphrasis and shades of meaning and accent help to 
support the scarcely changing fabric of traditional life 



and custom. Into contact with such a society come the 
explorer, the trader, the missionary ; and one of the first 
questions that presents itself to a people passing under 
their influence is : In what lies the secret of their power, of 
that swiftness and certainty of mind, of those almost inex- 
haustible resources ? At this stage, when the new-comers 
are no longer regarded as gods holding unquestionable 
gifts, there is a tendency to think that the foreign language 
is a chief cause of this amazing superiority. Words with 
such a community, it must be remembered, are almost 
vital in themselves ; at any rate under certain conditions, 
native thought invests them with an altogether magical 
power. Then what more natural than to infer that the 
speech of the strangers would give to the tribe, or to certain 
members of it who possessed the secret exclusively, that 
pre-eminence which they desire ? Accordingly, in the last 
analysis, this longing for schools is often found to be due 
to the wish to gain possession of the unknown tongue and 
all its supernatural potentialities. Even at a much later 
stage when, either by consent or through military domina- 
tion, the British power has been firmly established, and 
when the missionaries or other school authorities are 
receiving grants in aid of education from government, the 
less thoughtful part of the population still clings to the 
notion that teaching is of little value unless the scholars 
are for the most part occupied in learning the English 
language. As a practical instance of this belief may be 
cited the difficulty so frequently experienced by school 
teachers in persuading native parents to pay even a small 
fee for spelling and reading books printed in their own 
language. By this time, on the other hand, another 
current of thought will certainly have invaded the minds 
of the chiefs and of the more thoughtful members of the 
tribe whose conservatism has not been touched to the 
quick by Christianity. With an ever-deepening mistrust 
they watch how new forms of speech and thought react 
upon the native language itself, and shake to its founda- 
tion one of the main pillars of tribal usage. They see that 
their sons, instead of being endowed with enhanced powers 


and with a strengthened will to protect the integrity of 
native society as a whole, begin themselves to question 
the value of time-honoured customs, and even the limits 
of their own parents' authority. To us, the degree in 
which they do this may seem to be slight and even 
justifiable, but in such a society public opinion is extra- 
ordinarily sensitive as regards any departure from the 
ancient ways. There are thus antagonistic forces at work 
in the home, and in the village or tribal assembly ; some 
of the elder generation would shut out the foreign teaching 
altogether, some would confine education to the sons of 
chiefs and head-men, others would allow the desire for 
their own children's progress to outrun their wishes for 
the security and progress of the tribe as a whole. There 
are few who come to understand that the true method 
of dealing with the difficulty is to arrange for schooling 
to be as general as possible, and to make the native 
language a principal object of study as well as the chief 
vehicle of instruction. More than ever is this solution 
desirable when almost the sole means for the communica- 
tion of ideas among the tribe has hitherto been by word 
of mouth. To acquire the arts of reading and writing, even 
in connexion with the native language, requires no mean 
effort, and during this period any instruction in English 
ought to be wholly oral. Under these conditions, and with 
reasonable facilities for correspondence, the power and 
the wish to write letters develop rapidly, nor will many 
generations go by before there thus appears the beginning 
of a written native literature. In addition to all this, 
the school authorities ought to insist upon a mastery of 
the mother tongue as a spoken language. In the tribal 
community oratory has a specially high value, and should 
children fall much below the mark of their fathers and 
grandfathers in this respect, education stands in danger 
of condemnation by the popular voice. Reasonable 
argument, however, may with advantage take the place 
of hyperbole, until the short sentence winged with truth 
begins to secure a greater meed of praise in the village 
assembly than a cloak of dissembling words. 



tion of 
effort to 
the teach- 
ing of 

The study 
of the 
lar in 

The foregoing treatment of the mother tongue is, as 
has been said, a counsel of perfection for which few of 
the members of the tribe are at once prepared. It is no 
less true that the foreign element in the community, 
whether missionaries or government officials, are usually 
disinclined to assign to the native language a pre- 
dominant place in the schools. Any little English which 
the scholars may acquire has its obvious utility, while 
the extent of their progress in the language can very 
readily be gauged by the visiting inspector. Moreover, 
schools of this kind, with their smattering of an alien 
tongue, do not necessitate the training of experienced 
native teachers, a labour which, however amply rewarded 
in the end, presents initial difficulties of a high order and 
entails considerable expense. All these causes, working 
together both upon the foreign and upon the native ele- 
ments of society, lead to the mother tongue being pushed 
into the background, and to an endeavour to make 
English from the very beginning the chief scholastic 
enterprise. Only when symptoms of intellectual indiges- 
tion become acute is any attempt made to diagnose the 
malady, and then the verdict usually given is one of arrested 
mental development. This would be true enough if the 
further assumption were not made that such arrest is due 
to some peculiar conformation of the native brain, rather 
than to the attempt to secure mental nutrition by means 
of a linguistic regimen which is often as pretentious as it is 
false. With this aspect of the question the writer has dealt 
at some length in a report (Cd. 4119) which was published 
by the Colonial Office in 1908, and to that source readers 
must be referred for a fuller discussion of the subject. 

The problem assumes a somewhat different form when 
we turn to consider those great communities in India that 
have a written language of their own, highly sensitive 
to thought of a particular order, but not so well adapted 
to record the results of modern scientific progress. Within 
the limits of this article it is impossible to treat otherwise 
than comprehensively the difficulties that arise in such 
cases, but at least it is clear that the study of the vernacular 


should not have a less important (though a different) 
place assigned to it in Indian education than has been 
indicated as suitable in connexion with communities 
which are still in the tribal state. In many cases there 
are vernacular schools already in existence, and to put 
them on one side instead of strengthening them in every 
possible way is now regarded by the Indian Government 
as a mistake from almost every point of view. If much of 
the language teaching in such schools is formal and even 
obsolete in character, it is yet well to be patient as regards 
the application of modern methods of instruction, and 
in charity to remember some of the still-existing deficien- 
cies in teaching English and other languages in even 
famous institutions of our own. Moreover, it would be 
well to make sure that we have a clear idea in our own 
minds as to the educational system which we propose 
to substitute for the sporadic schools that are condemned. 
If, for instance, a country is not rich enough to give more 
than one or two years' schooling to every potential 
scholar, then there is much to be said for limiting State 
assistance in general to a two years' course and for dis- 
regarding English altogether. A certain percentage of the 
youth of the community would show such aptitude as to 
warrant provision being made in their case for a longer 
school period, and in such cases English might be taught 
orally during the next two years. But any real study of 
our language in the written form ought to be reserved for 
that small minority of scholars who show themselves 
worthy of being assisted by Government to pass beyond 
the fourth year of school life. In the consideration of 
this strictly limited number of students, for whom the 
State in our crude, hypothetical instance would make 
provision, say, up to the eighth school year, we are already 
beginning to face the problem of training the leaders of 
the people, and one of the greatest dangers of education 
in their case is that the English text-books, provided for 
their use, frequently present to the native mind difficulties 
due to unknown social conditions as well as mere diffi- 
culties of language. Giving, as is inevitable, their chief 


attention to the latter, the students will be inclined to 
pass more or less lightly over the social difficulties, and 
later on to underestimate the effort required for such 
transformations in society to the European model as they 
begin to desire for their own people. Had they, on the 
other hand, first encountered these unknown conditions 
of life in books written in their own language, their atten- 
tion would have been forcibly directed to the necessity 
of grasping the true meaning of society organized under 
other forms, and the effort required to so transform their 
own community would, with a surer eye, have been seen 
as the labour of many generations of workers, rather than 
as on a level with the transient effort required to resolve 
a succession of verbal difficulties. School-books in English 
dealing with native life, and school-books in the vernacular 
dealing with English life, — this does not seem an unreason- 
able prescription to promote mental digestion ; yet how 
many school authorities or publishers have grasped its 
full importance ? 
Canada Finally, we come to that still more complex school 

^ nd , problem, the treatment of language in the schools of 
Africa: a community which has two mother tongues, both 
French °^ European origin. In this connexion the difficulties of 
and Canada, though formidable enough, are less than those 

languages, of South Africa, for in the latter country we have in addi- 
tion to reckon with a preponderating native population, 
having their own vigorous forms of speech. At this 
stage, however, let us put the Bantu languages out of 
account. We have then in each of the dominions specified 
one other European tongue in rivalry with English, and 
the same peculiarity marks each case, namely that, though 
these two languages at the time they were carried over- 
seas represented a civilization distinctly in advance of the 
English standard, that advantage has not been main- 
tained ; partly, no doubt, because of the rapidity of 
social progress in the British Isles, but partly also because 
Canada and South Africa during the past century have 
been more in touch with our own developments than 
with those of France and Holland. In the various 


provinces making up these two self-governing dominions, 
different solutions of the ' dual language ' question have 
been adopted in the schools, mainly in correspondence 
with the linguistic distribution of the population, but also 
according to the varying political exigencies of the hour. 
With some of these solutions we shall meet later on, 
when discussing school questions involving differences 
of creed ; others would take us beyond the province of 
this general survey. But one fact as to our own procedure 
stands out in contrast with the action of our predecessors 
in the administration of these countries, namely the 
toleration which we have always extended to the mother 
tongue. Sometimes this principle is carried to a point 
that endangers any proper school system or general 
progress in studies, and in no case does it give com- 
pletely satisfactory results from a pedagogic point of 
view. But it is a factor of immense importance in the 
political education of the citizen, and departmental ideals 
as to uniformity of text-books, curricula and organization 
must curtsy to its power. As we pass, however, from 
the east to the west of Canada, it is easy to note that the 
reverence paid to this tradition is less profound ; the 
school organization tends to become centralized and the 
language curriculum uniform. In part this may be due 
to the same influences as have affected the United States, 
such as the rapidity of growth of the western communities, 
but also in part — and this requires emphasis — to the fact 
that English is there the predominant mother tongue, 
while French is only one of many others. 

Nor must we forget the influence of university education 
as regards language upon the primary as well as upon 
the secondary schools. In Quebec the University of 
Laval is a very stronghold of the French language, and 
the organization of the various seminaries throughout 
the province, and elsewhere, to correspond with this 
central institution for higher learning, reveals all the 
Gallic genius for administration. There was a time, 
no doubt, when the University of McGill had more 
special relations to the spread of education among 

1321-6 R 


the English-speaking community of the province of 
Quebec ; but at the present day, when its outlook 
extends even beyond the Dominion of Canada, that 
institution has no particular linguistic significance. Rather 
should our attention be directed to such a small university 
as Antigonish in Nova Scotia, which serves the needs of 
Roman Catholics who wish to pursue their studies mainly 
in English. Hither from the province of Quebec come 
students not only of Irish but of French extraction, 
attesting the desire that exists for a mastery of our 
language in the case of all those who aspire to Canadian 
leadership in one form or another. In fact, the chief cause 
operating both in Canada and in South Africa to destroy 
the natural desire of parents for the education of their 
children in the mother tongue is the consciousness that, 
were the principle rigidly applied, the youth of English 
extraction would start with an economic advantage in 
life which might ultimately prove to be overwhelming. 
Still more do the university colleges of South Africa, 
even those which are predominantly Dutch in government, 
recognize in practice this superiority of English. There 
is no institution in any of the provinces which in its 
teaching gives that place to the language of Holland which 
Laval gives to the French tongue. It is true that the 
University of the Cape of Good Hope (the degree-giving 
body but not a teaching institution) does maintain a 
theoretical equality between English and Dutch. But this 
is more a point of honour than of expediency, and we may 
find a tendency of the same kind in one of the universities 
of Ireland. It is thus evident that the tendency for 
English to become the general means of communication 
as between all persons of European extraction, however 
slow in operation, and however much restricted artificially 
in certain cases, is an irresistible tendency. Self-govern- 
ment, and especially local self-government, when invested 
with educational powers, does in the end accelerate the 
process, for precedent has not the same weight under free 
constitutional conditions as under a paternal govern- 


But while, in the self-governing dominions, English Modifica- 
must more and more become the one European language EndLh 
in everyday use, it will undergo some modification in the in over- 
process. Dutch words which would never have found n e ions.° m 
their way to us from Holland are being brought home 
from South Africa to become incorporated in the language, 
and so in other cases. We have, however, in the course of 
our island history, absorbed so many words and phrases 
from all quarters that this tendency is not altogether 
unregulated by tradition, and schools and writers may 
certainly be left to deal with the matter. It is otherwise 
with pronunciation. An inspector of schools in South Africa 
whose native land was Scotland once humorously alluded 
in the writer's presence to the woeful results of permitting 
Scotch songs to be taught to Dutch children by English 
teachers. And possibly an inspector born south of the 
border might equally have objected to the recitation of 
English ballad poetry by the same children under the 
instruction of a teacher from the other side of the Cheviots. 
The truth is that no scheme to give greater uniformity to 
the pronunciation of the King's English has, so far as the 
writer is aware, yet been put forward generally in connexion 
with the training colleges for teachers throughout the 
Empire. Yet this is a reform well within the compass 
of our present scientific treatment of phonetics, and the 
expenditure of a comparatively small amount of money 
would produce an astonishing difference in this respect 
within three or four school generations. The chief 
difficulty is the absence of any standardizing authority. 

2. Educational Problems relating mainly 
to Religion 

To understand the ground which religion occupies in Position 
the schools and universities of the British Empire, it is ^ ^Sl* 
almost necessary to begin with a backward glance. In and uni- 
England the mould in which our educational system is 
cast has been determined primarily by the existence of 
a national Christian Church. This mould has often been 



shaped anew, not only through the defection of this or 
that body of worshippers, and the changes in social 
structure thus brought about, but also through that 
indifferentism to all church organization, and that 
growing demand for complete individual freedom in regard 
to the things of the spirit, which are a special mark of 
our own age and of its scientific method. Yet much of the 
old pattern remains, and upon no part of the population 
is it so distinctly impressed as upon the youth of the 
country that has been educated in our public schools and 
grammar schools, and in the ancient Universities of 
Oxford and Cambridge. As it is they who fill most of 
the higher administrative positions in such parts of the 
Empire as are not yet able to train their own executive 
officers, the dominating influences of this special type of 
education are of more than local importance. Let us, 
therefore, begin at this point. 

In the main, those school ideals which were sedulously 
cultivated by the Church of England at a time when the 
English nation itself was growing to manhood are still 
working directly or indirectly to bring the British Empire 
to maturity. To minds almost incessantly occupied with 
the new problems of Australian or Canadian life, conscious 
of the vast potentialities of these countries, and alert to 
the significance of every fresh social or industrial experi- 
ment, the effect of the old traditions slowly working out 
their fulfilment in less democratic surroundings may pass 
unnoticed. Yet throughout India, and to a lesser extent 
in the communities still under Crown colony administra- 
tion, each step, however small, in the direction of a national 
life and of local self-government, is watched with the 
closest attention, and it is for this vast population, out- 
numbering all other communities of British subjects, that 
the training of their alien rulers has a special importance. 
Self- Apart from any particular conditions for acquiring 

andTelf- 6 knowledge, the characteristic student life, whether in the 
govern- public schools or the older universities of England, is 
marked by self-discipline and self-government, and these 
characteristics can undoubtedly be traced back to educa- 


tional foundations of religious origin belonging to pre- 
Reformation days. It was the combination of the two — 
that is, the self-discipline of the individual and the self- 
government of the community — which served so well 
the needs of the English people when transferred from the 
college to the nation, and which must again bear fruit 
whenever they are judiciously planted together in a new 
soil. Having himself in most cases this school-training, 
the Indian official lays his hand easily upon the life of 
the village (or larger) community ; he understands that 
its self-government must be respected, and in imagination 
he resents, almost as if he were again a boy, any suggested 
petty interference with the custom of the people. In 
consequence he is readily obeyed in those larger matters 
in which, with a certain aloofness, he deals out even- 
handed justice. But his comprehension of the value of 
self-government would not carry him far without that 
self-discipline which conceals itself under the strangest 
names, not only in his school life but also in his after- 
career. However he and his colleagues may try to disguise 
the quality, it takes its origin largely in some forgotten 
rule of a monastic community now embedded within 
a social code. 

This self-discipline in its present form is very different Indian 
from that of the Indian ascetic who leaves all that he has teac mg ' 
to pursue a life of contemplation and austerity ; it is in 
no way separated from the wholesome discipline of 
citizenship or relegated to another part of our mortal 
existence. Though few Indian teachers would go so far 
as to say that the earlier years of life should be dissociated 
from all training in self-denial, yet it is remarkable how 
comparatively great is the stress, in ways which have now 
become traditional, our own education places upon the 
subordination of the desires of the individual to the good 
of the community as a whole. It is in part his knowledge 
that the character of the Indian boy has not been specially 
developed in these directions which makes many an Indian 
civil servant ready to assert that the country is altogether 
unripe for self-government ; whereas, as a matter of fact, 


and in a hundred ways unnoticed by himself, he is giving 
to the people under his charge a zest for governing them- 
selves. Some Anglo-Indians indeed would go further and 
declare that, whatsoever the school training of the future, 
the youth of India is incapable of acquiring the character- 
istics we have been considering. But our habit of dogma- 
tism in regard to matters of education has received so many 
shocks in the past that we may well suspend judgement 
for a few generations and observe the effect of establish- 
ments, such as the Muhammadan College of Aligarh, 
which follow more or less closely the English model. 
Though these residential colleges are not as yet numerous, 
they are representative of movements for reform in 
education on the part not only of Muhammadan, but 
also of Hindu thinkers and patriots. There is, for instance, 
in the United Provinces the central school of the Arya- 
Samaj, that remarkable society formed for the purpose 
of freeing the Hindu religion from those grosser elements 
of ritual and belief which according to the founder of the 
movement do not form any part of the ancient Vedas. 
Since the social code demanded by the Arya-Samaj is 
much in advance of that expected from Hindus in general , 
the society is not acting without foresight in adding to its 
general school system the academy known as the Gurukul, 
designed to train a band of ' Servants of Humanity ' — 
schoolboys and collegians withdrawn entirely from their 
homes at the age of seven or eight years and remaining 
for sixteen years in the beautiful surroundings of the 
institution under school conditions which reminded one 
observer of his old Charterhouse days. Again, there is in 
Bengal the boarding-school founded and maintained by 
Rabindra Nath Tagore, of whom mention has already 
been made. This is an institution of some two hundred 
boys, proportionately as well staffed as the very best of 
our own schools, since there is a master to every ten 
scholars. No less removed from town influences than 
the Gurukul, this school (although a personal undertaking) 
may be taken to be representative of the Bramah Samaj, 
a comparatively small body of Hindus who hold in esteem 


all religions that accept a single omnipotent Deity. As the 
founder of the school himself has acknowledged, it was the 
idea of social service, as he saw it practised among 
Anglo-Saxon nations, which led him to undertake this 
educational work. 

Of earlier foundation than these, and yet having objects 
of a similar kind, is the Muhammadan Anglo-Indian 
College at Aligarh which has already been mentioned. It 
was established in 1875 to provide a college ' in which 
Musulmans may acquire an English education without 
prejudice to their religion ', with a boarding-house ' to 
which a parent may send his son in the confidence that 
the boy's conduct will be carefully supervised, and in 
which he will be kept free from the temptations which 
beset a youth in big towns '. Its founders definitely 
contemplated from the first the establishment not only 
of a boarding-school but of a Muhammadan university 
and college in one. 

Some of these native boarding-schools and university 
colleges and hostels have doubtless been started as the 
result of observing the influence of similar institutions 
founded locally by the various Christian missionary 
organizations at a time when it appeared not impossible 
that our language and religion would flood all India and 
sweep away most of the ancient landmarks. These land- 
marks are indeed being submerged by degrees, though 
not through any general Anglicization of society. Drawing 
together their students from widely separated localities, 
the tendency of the native academies themselves is to 
broaden the outlook of the rising generation and to 
minimize such religious observances as those of caste. 
The spirit of social service also works to the same end. 
Thus schools promoted by indigenous rather than by 
foreign agencies may ultimately be responsible for changing 
the traditions of India. To a certain extent the very 
important schools, colleges, and boarding establishments of 
the Christian missionaries in our great dependency may 
be compared to those educational establishments of the 
oversea communities of the regular clergy which were 


set on foot in England during the centuries immediately 
preceding the Reformation. It would not be safe to press 
the comparison too far, for in the present case there is 
a total absence of any unifying sacerdotal authority ; 
moreover, the teachers chosen both by the English and 
the American missionary bodies are themselves strongly 
imbued with the principles of local self-government. 
And further, as against the comparison, there is not in 
India itself any single inspiring religious ideal, such as 
was provided in our own case by a national Church, 
tending to become co-extensive with the area of civil 
government. The principle of religious accommodation 
between Hinduism and the other chief creeds of India 
will have to make much progress before education can 
give to the leaders of the community a common patriotic 
impulse without sectarian reservations. 
Schools Now let us turn our attention to the part which has 

colleges been taken by schools and colleges of the same class in the 
in self- development of the self-governing; dominions. It would 

govern- x © o 

ing not have been surprising if institutions of so great a 

national influence, and financially so stable, as the best 
endowed of the public schools and colleges of Oxford 
and Cambridge, should during the nineteenth century 
have themselves developed similar institutions — daughter 
schools and colleges — amid the rapidly growing communi- 
ties of Englishmen overseas. Yet this course has never 
yet been taken, and with few exceptions the foundation 
of new schools and colleges in the self-governing dominions 
has been left to the meagre resources of the Christian 
churches in those parts. There are indeed a few proprie- 
tary boarding-schools, and some private ventures wholly 
independent of religious agencies, while of late years 
certain public authorities have recognized the value of 
educational opportunities of this order and have encour- 
aged them in various ways, but such exceptions do not 
affect the predominance of denominational effort. The 
poverty of the churches, and the slender resources of their 
leaders, distinguish these educational endeavours from the 
majestic foundations of a former national church and of 



its prelate-statesmen. The heart of the difficulty, 
however, lies less in poverty than in the want of union 
between Christian agencies, none of which is able to give 
its whole strength either to its patriotism or to its creed. 
Whether we look to Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, 
or to Australia, we still find the Church of England and 
the Wesleyan, Congregational, and Baptist connexions, 
all engaged in founding their special boarding-schools 
without any unity of purpose, and sometimes in direct 
rivalry one with another. The confusion, which is not 
lessened when we take into consideration similar institu- 
tions of Presbyterian origin, becomes definitely greater 
on adding the various Roman Catholic schools in the 
colonies founded by religious orders mostly having 
their head-quarters in Ireland. It is not that in these 
last schools there is any less fervour for the country of 
adoption ; the precise difference of attitude is perhaps 
best illustrated by the reply once given to an inquirer 
who had been spending some time listening to the tuition 
given in the various classes of an Australian institution 
of this kind. 'What do you teach', the visitor asked, 
' about the British Isles ? ' ' Islands ', his guide replied, 
with a twinkle of the eye ' that could be dropped into 
Port Philip without being missed.' 

A remedy for this excessive detachment of national 
spirit, as well as for other social differences to be found 
more or less in the boarding-schools of all religious 
denominations, is often sought by parents of large means. 
They send their sons, and sometimes their daughters 
also, to receive their education in the home country. 
Few educationalists would question that in this way the 
traditions of the public school and college are more fully 
acquired, but on the other hand there is a danger lest 
the student's interests should become so closely identified 
with those of his school-fellows that on returning to his 
own country he finds himself permanently out of touch 
with the life about him. This danger has been recognized 
by the Rhodes Trustees. Nearly all the Oxford scholar- 
ships which they have at their disposal are offered to 


students who have completed their usual university 

training in their own country, and whose minds are thus 

in a less plastic state than the minds of schoolboys. As 

regards natives of India, the metamorphosis of certain of 

the young students whose parents are in a position to 

give them an education in England is far more striking 

and even tragic ; it has been made the theme of one 

at least of the most powerful works of fiction of 

the day. 

Associa- What then is the third alternative to sending boys home 

between or ^° educating them overseas in schools which are liable 

educa- to be rendered narrow and sectional by being governed 

institu- in the interests of a particular religious community ? 

tions at it ij es m taking direct advantage of the schools so securely 

home and . 

overseas, and anciently planted at home, and in carrying overseas 
as much of their organization and spirit as is suitable to 
the needs of the community desiring similar institutions. 
To do this upon the large scale would need an endowment 
little short of princely, but were the benefaction forth- 
coming, and did the pious founder place the money in 
trust with the governors of the school in the old country 
for the purpose of establishing a daughter school in one 
of the self-governing dominions, then it is difficult to 
imagine that the trust would be refused. But apart 
from the realization of this vision of a new Winchester 
or Eton, equipped as those English colleges are equipped, 
and having a staff of masters drawn primarily from 
the home school, though afterwards reinforced from its 
own boys, something may be done by linking together 
two existing institutions, one in the old and the other 
in the new country. Through an exchange of masters, 
and possibly also of some of the scholars, the traditions 
of the two schools would tend to approximate to one 
another, especially if the chapel service raised no difficulty. 
At the present moment, for example, the schools of 
Rugby and Clifton (which themselves have many of the 
same traditions) are engaged in an experiment of this 
kind with one of the oldest of the New Zealand schools — 
Christ's College, Christchurch. When the advantages 


of such an inter-relation of staff have been more fully 
perceived, it is not unlikely that the principle will be 
extended, and in the course of time there may even arise 
a benefactor in each of the self-governing dominions 
with sufficient breadth of view to endow the associated 
school in such a manner that it will equal or even outrival 
the English public school with which it is connected. 
Let patience have her perfect work. Nothing is more 
remarkable than the way in which Scotland has gradually 
acknowledged the need of this type of school as supple- 
mentary to the rest of her educational system. Fettes 
College, and other institutions less richly endowed, 
stand as witnesses to the advantage of training boys to 
public school ideals in the country of their birth. 

There is of course no reason against a similar direct 
association between the colleges of Oxford and Cambridge 
and hostels or halls of residence in connexion with the 
far-flung universities of the British Empire. In fact the 
principle could be applied nowhere with greater advantage 
than to our English municipal universities which upon 
the whole are lamentably deficient in residential facilities. 
Why should not Birmingham, for example, settle her 
acknowledged hostel difficulties in this fashion ? It is 
significant that in the Victoria University of Manchester, 
which is specially well equipped with halls of residence, 
there is a growing approximation to the ideals of the 
Oxford and the Cambridge colleges. Of the other British 
universities founded during the nineteenth century, one 
of the best provided with a residential system is Melbourne. 
Here we find sections of land reserved by the Act of Incor- 
poration to the use of the various denominations (Church 
of England, Presbyterian, Wesley an and Roman Catholic) 
for residential purposes. And the very denomination 
that has traditionally associated itself in Scotland and 
elsewhere with day universities is here in the possession 
of the largest hall of residence of all, for Ormond College 
was mainly built with money contributed by a Presbyterian 
of this name whose donations and bequests amounted in all 
to over £100,000. 


The One other type of religious foundation in connexion 

univer- with higher education deserves especial notice. It is the 
Slt y- college which is a university in itself. Perhaps the most 

conspicuous example, certainly that which has most 
influenced, and been most influenced by, the country in 
which it was placed, is Trinity College, Dublin. It began 
as the bulwark of a national Church alien to the beliefs 
of the vast majority of the people. Religious privileges 
and religious proscription have now legally come to an 
end, and the corporation in many ways gives evidences of 
increased liberality of thought. But for all its glories, 
and for all its claims to have trained great leaders of every 
shade of opinion, Trinity College has never occupied a 
position in Ireland analogous to the position of the 
University of Laval in the province of Quebec. It is to 
the latter we must turn if we would estimate truly the 
influence of a great religious foundation, both university 
and college, which remains altogether steadfast to the 
principles of its foundation. Now the attitude of Laval, 
cut off from its Gallican and royalist traditions, and 
standing at the port of entry to all the swirling thought 
of Canada of to-day, is very simple. It rejoices in the 
guarantees for religious liberty, and for a definitely 
denominational education, which British forms of govern- 
ment afford. It wants no change. Its sons would be 
among the most loyal defenders of those constitutional 
privileges which have been handed down from generation 
to generation, whether they were attacked from within 
or from without the Dominion. But Laval stands aloof 
from the newer ideas of nationhood which are taking 
possession of the rapidly filling western provinces, and 
from their State-directed universities. Canada, as a 
whole, striving to subordinate denominational differences 
in education to a larger sense of citizenship within the 
Dominion, and even feeling her way to a share in the general 
government of the Empire, receives no encouragement 
from the university that is centred in the city of Quebec. 
Without seeking fresh examples, we may then conclude 
that the college which is itself a university, and which 


still maintains the ecclesiastical principles of its founda- 
tion, only accentuates the difficulties of a truly national 
development of education, unless indeed it is representative 
of the religious thought of the whole people. It completes 
that work of dividing the leaders of the community from 
one another which has been already begun in the denomi- 
national boarding-schools. Sectarian influences in educa- 
tion must have become absorbed in national ends before 
they cease to conflict with the ever-growing ideas of 

Put in one way, the solution of this educational problem Religious 
might seem to lie in religion becoming the handmaid of ^^ 
nationality. But this is to state the question altogether teachers. 
amiss. It is not religion, but competing creeds and 
organizations that have to be reckoned with ; and even 
these ought not to be subordinated to the national 
existence, but to find their right adjustment within it. 
Perhaps we shall make the position clearer if we turn to 
consider the training of another class of leaders of the 
community — those who are chosen to teach the multitudes 
of our day — scholars in primary as well as in secondary 
schools. In doing so we may leave out of sight the 
public school masters and all college tutors. For one 
peculiarity of the type of education that we have been 
considering hitherto is that the staff is selected almost 
wholly from within the system itself, and that special 
training of individuals for their work is rarely held to 
be necessary. Turning then to the day-schools, we find 
the various churches no less solicitous to train the 
teachers than they are to educate the sons of well-to-do 
parents in their boarding-schools. But in this case 
most of the denominational agencies are pulled up abruptly 
because training colleges cannot be made self-supporting, 
or even nearly so. Accordingly there is generally an 
application to some public authority for grants in aid, 
and the public authority makes its own conditions before 
pecuniary help is forthcoming. In some cases, church 
authorities are allowed to provide separate training 
colleges and to teach the students in residence in their own 


way, subject of course to the passing of prescribed exami- 
nations in secular subjects. In other cases intending 
teachers must present themselves at a public institution, 
such as a normal school or a day university, for all but 
their religious studies, these being sometimes given them 
in a recognized hostel of which they become inmates. In 
other cases again, students of all denominations reside 
together in one college or hall under the supervision of 
a public authority, and are required to make external 
arrangements for attendance at divine service and for 
doctrinal instruction. These arrangements are not of 
course the same in all parts of the Empire, and the oppor- 
tunity for denominational instruction is now less complete 
in England itself than in some of the other dominions 
under the Crown. But upon the whole it may be said 
that British education authorities view with favour 
the religious training of those who are to become teachers. 
So much for the attitude of the school managers ; but 
in all fairness let us also consider the position of those 
who accept the call to so high a service. In the course 
of their training they have studied religion to a certain 
extent, and they have also studied science. What do 
they find ? Science teaches them to prove all things 
and to hold fast to that which is good. And they can 
see for themselves that it is this rule of action which 
tends to bring into harmony every mode of thought 
which aims at being scientific. That science has its 
dogmas no less than religious systems is known to 
all original thinkers engaged in research. But those 
dogmas are continually being reviewed in the light of 
fresh experiments, so that if we survey broadly the 
field of material knowledge we find sufficient general 
agreement to enable us to march on shoulder to shoulder to 
new conquests. Thus, if the mind of the intending teacher 
be sufficiently thoughtful and detached, he perceives 
that there is a scientific method quite apart from the 
subject-matter of experiment, and that this method 
constantly tends to the reconciliation of opposing theories 
in each of which there is an element of truth. But in 


his study of religion, he looks in vain among ordinary 
theological tenets and modes of discussion for a corre- 
sponding principle. Is it any wonder then that many 
young teachers should accept their religious instruction, 
and the particular creed with which their training college 
is associated, as formalities necessary to advancement in 
their profession but of no vital consequence for the conduct 
of their future scholars or of themselves ? The very Bible 
lessons are treated in a conventional way, and many in- 
structors while thus engaged must have thought inwardly 
what one master of a class of small boys was sufficiently 
unrestrained to say aloud, ' Pretty fables, ain't they ? ' 
Thus, there is a constant tendency among modern teachers 
to take the lower ground of moral instruction, and to dwell 
upon civic ideals, forgetting that boys and girls who are 
being taught in a deeply religious spirit not only advance 
the furthest in character and in the evidence of things not 
seen, but outstrip their fellows in secular knowledge also. 

There is probably no remedy for the state into which Religious 
the religious training of our teachers has fallen, until it is lsumon * 
generally acknowledged that the scientific method is as 
applicable to things spiritual as to things material. This 
may become clearer if we consider for a moment a point 
of view which may fairly be taken by those responsible 
for the training of the staff of the many non-Christian 
schools throughout the British Empire. To Hindu and 
Muhammadan thinkers and educationists in India the 
Christian religion must appear to have a close and even 
necessary connexion with science. That rapid progress 
of the Western nations in material prosperity, which on 
our part is often explained short-sightedly by an un- 
swerving adhesion to modern methods of research, 
appears to them with their longer views as the result of 
religious processes working within the community. If 
they turn to our Book of Books, this belief is confirmed 
by saying after saying which has the true ring of scientific 
inspiration. ' Prove all things : hold fast to that which 
is good ' is only one of many such utterances, to be found 
in the Old Testament as well as in the New. Indeed it 


is this very scientific aspect of Christianity which is 
likely to create a profound distrust of our religion in the 
minds of those who are charged with the training of 
Indian teachers. Would they be wrong if they said in 
their hearts that our religious beliefs only led us into 
agreement about material things, while we split up into 
unnumbered factions as soon as we approached the things 
of the spirit, and hence that Christianity was in the main 
a materializing religion ? This may well explain the great 
change which has come over India since the time when 
the earlier Christian missionaries seemed to be in the fair 
way to carry all before them. On the one hand we are 
there Avitnessing, at the present time, a revival of interset 
in education founded upon purified teachings in regard to 
both the Hindu and the Muhammadan religions ; on the 
other hand is seen a profound religious apathy taking 
possession of many of those educated Indians who are 
being carried forward on a wave of national prosperity. 
Spiritual sensitiveness is at war with material well-being. 
And this state of things must continue in India, and the 
religious thought of her teachers grow ever more hostile 
to Christianity, until Christians can unite on some 
other basis than the material. Whenever the native 
leaders of opinion throughout the Empire come to recog- 
nize that Christian worship, in its primitive integrity, is 
the most spiritual of all forms of worship, in that spirit 
and flesh are distinguished as absolutely as truth and 
error, their chief cause of quarrel with our religion will 
be ended. But it cannot be expected that they should 
understand the significance of this teaching, until we 
ourselves are again willing to recognize the value of 
proof in religion, and to abandon unverifiable dogma. 

In the meantime all that can be done is to mitigate so 
far as possible the bad effects of religious disunion. It 
is a noteworthy feature in many of our educational 
systems that a lawful opportunity is provided for the 
intending teacher of a naturally devout mind to strengthen 
his gifts through religious training and to exercise his 
right influence upon the scholars assigned to him. This 


will be further touched upon in the next section, in 
connexion with law. But it is equally important that 
nothing should be done to foster insincerity in religious 
teaching. In the present state of our beliefs, to dis- 
courage the young teacher who has faith only in the 
efficacy of moral instruction or of instruction in civics 
would be unwise ; to insist that he should teach in addi- 
tion what he does not himself believe deserves a harsher 
epithet. We must carry on with our present halting 
systems of religious education, and with nationality as 
an instrument of social progress, until a future which can 
hardly yet be discerned reveals itself more fully. A logical 
solution of this greatest of school questions, which did not 
correspond to any logical attitude of mind on the part 
of the community as a whole, would only precipitate us 
into greater difficulties than we are experiencing at the 
present moment. 

3. Educational Problems relating to 
Law and Economic Conditions 

Just as British governments have shown the widest 
tolerance for existing languages and religions in the 
countries which they have been called upon to administer, 
so they have accepted existing systems of law ; indeed, 
in such countries the development of education often 
bears injurious traces of our readiness to accept established 
legal and social conditions. School precedents and school 
law, however, are always being modified by new ideas ; 
in some instances brought out from the old country, in 
others developed within the community itself, but in 
either case ideas which can usually be traced to an 
extension of British conceptions of citizenship, and to all 
that entails in the way of education. 

Nowhere is this tendency more fully marked than in School 
Canada, where at the time of our first occupation a school S y7tem h 
system under clerical management was already in existence. Canada, 
In the province of Quebec there has been less change in 
the spirit of the school law than elsewhere, the schools 

1321.6 s 


of the Roman Catholic majority still developing under 
the direction of their Church, while separate schools 
are provided for the Protestant minority, each of these 
sections of the community being rated for the education 
of their own children. Educationally the law acts in 
a very uneven manner, and it helps, of course, to perpetuate 
the division of the population into two opposite camps. 
In Ontario we find an inversion of these conditions ; 
schools of a non-Catholic majority receiving the rates of 
that majority, and Catholic schools, often small and 
isolated, maintaining the same unequal fight for exist- 
ence which is characteristic of many of the Protestant 
schools in the province of Quebec. In the Maritime 
Provinces, where Catholics and non-Catholics are more 
nearly equal in numbers, the people have long since given 
their voice for a common school system. Legislation 
on this basis at first encountered vigorous opposition on 
account of its undenominational character. But con- 
cessions were made in the administration of the law 
which have resulted in the establishment of a custom 
not less faithfully observed than if it had legal sanction. 
In the city of Halifax, to take an example, where the 
Protestants are, roughly, twice as numerous as the 
Catholics, the School Board consists of twelve members, 
eight of whom, according to the customary understanding, 
are Protestants, while four are Catholics. As far as 
possible, the children are taught in schools either wholly 
staffed with non-Catholic teachers or wholly with 
Catholics. Whenever there is a new teacher to be chosen, 
the Protestant members alone vote if the school has 
a non-Catholic staff, and in the contrary event the 
Catholics alone take part in the election. The same 
inspectors visit all the schools, and the same central 
authority prescribes the various courses of study and the 
text-books. Religious instruction is given outside school 
hours. In smaller and less densely populated school 
areas modifications of these arrangements have to be 
made. But the spirit in which the school system is 
administered remains practically identical in every district 


throughout Nova Scotia, and the same spirit, under 
slightly different statutory conditions, is manifested in 
New Brunswick also. It has not only imparted much 
vigour to both primary and secondary education, but has 
greatly assisted the formation of right ideas of citizen- 

In the Cape of Good Hope, to take a second instance, and in 
there is probably much that was originally customary in ot . he . r do " 
the procedure for the establishment and maintenance of 
schools, legal sanction having been obtained at a later 
period. The initiative lies with the local community, 
and the school managers are chosen by those members 
of the community who are willing to guarantee a certain 
proportion of the expenses of the school and to comply 
with other conditions laid down by statute and by the 
regulations of the central authority. Under these con- 
ditions the managers are given large powers with regard to 
the choice of teachers, language, and religious instruction. 
The system is elastic, for though the single school is the 
unit of administration, the same managers can be chosen 
for any number of schools in a populous area having 
local government of its own. 

Let us again consider the arrangement made in a self- 
governing dominion which from the first was colonized 
by the British race and therefore had not to deal with the 
difficulties presented by antecedent school conditions. In 
the centrally-controlled schools of New South Wales, 
the right of entry for religious instruction has been con- 
ceded to persons specially appointed by the various 
denominations to give such instruction, though the 
extent to which it has hitherto been used is disappointing. 
In this instance, too, the privilege is guaranteed by law, 
yet if it were not also secured in the goodwill of parents 
and other citizens, it might be made difficult to work. 
The truth is that such laws and customary arrangements 
as we have been considering are generally established at a 
time of great popular tension in regard to school matters, 
and therefore it is not often possible to extend these 
usages to other communities which are without experience 

S 2 


of a similar educational crisis. Much consideration is there- 
fore requisite before we attempt to adapt to our present- 
day problems in Great Britain and Ireland the expedients 
which have been eminently successful in securing the 
peaceful development of the schools in British com- 
munities overseas. Nor have our own educational expedi- 
ents always been available for the use of the self-governing 
dominions, or of India and the Crown colonies, though 
the knowledge that law and custom can usually be relied 
upon to furnish whatever fresh devices are necessary for 
the solution of any social problem connected with educa- 
tion is infinitely valuable. 
Exten- In one respect nearly all communities of British 

franchise subjects have had the same experience, namely that the 
and exten- laws extending education to a larger and larger proportion 
educa- of the population have been preceded by laws for an 
tlon - extension of the franchise. It has been so often argued 
that certain classes of the community are not ready for 
the vote because they have not been educated that this 
repeated experience reversing what seems to be the 
logical order of legislation is very remarkable. There 
is, however, one notable exception. The education of 
women generally precedes their participation in public 
affairs, and this exception indicates the true reason for 
the anomaly noted above. There must be members of 
a particular class who have been enfranchised and have 
received the benefit of schooling for their children, before 
political pressure can be applied in the next generation 
to get the vote for the less fortunate members of that 
class. School advantages are then made more general 
by the governing classes, because in their opinion it would 
be dangerous to continue to allow electoral power to 
remain in the hands of wholly uneducated persons. So 
we proceed step by step to compulsory education for boys 
and manhood suffrage. But where there are no enfran- 
chised women, there is no lever to extend the franchise. 
Compulsory education for girls is probably enacted at 
the same time as for boys on grounds which are mainly 
economic, since even in the poorest families, where the 


mother cannot with certainty count on any spare time, 
the home education of children is one of the chief elements 
making for their future success in life. Something also 
is no doubt conceded to the argument that it would be 
unfair for boys and girls in one family to be brought up 
altogether differently. 

To get a larger view of the relation of sex to education, Sex and 
we should turn for a moment to communities of British e ucatlon - 
subjects in less advanced stages of social development. 
In Basutoland, to take an example of tribal life, we find 
that in the southern districts, where Christianity has 
made most progress, the proportion of boys and girls 
at school is not very unequal. But when we reach the 
extreme northern districts, which are almost completely 
heathen, there are scarcely any but male scholars. In 
India again, for all the higher social development of its 
village life, the percentage of girls receiving education 
is abnormally below the percentage of boys, except 
among the small Christian population. Therefore, religion 
is an essential factor in this question. Now that Indians 
have been granted additional powers of self-government, 
it will be peculiarly interesting to note whether the demand 
already being made by the native leaders for additional 
school facilities becomes popularly extended so as to 
cover the instruction of both sexes. It raises in another 
form those practical aspects of the Christian religion 
which, largely because of their importance for the health 
and economic development of the community, have often 
determined the action of British governments, even in 
opposition to local ecclesiastical authority. It is scarcely 
too much to say that the education of girls will ultimately 
become a matter of paramount importance for India, 
and if by degrees a new conception of the equality of the 
social obligations of men and women permeates the whole 
community, then religious custom and thought (for 
Hindus and Muhammadans alike) must advance on lines 
parallel to those on which our own higher social thought 
is advancing. To that mental progress, it is safe to 
say, will be joined an economic development of the 



country which at present it is altogether impossible to 
Economic For the self-governing dominions, the nineteenth 
and anS1 ° n century represented such a period as we have just been 
educa- considering. New industrial conditions and new civic 
conceptions changed men's thoughts with regard to 
education, and in their turn received fresh impulses from 
the more general dissemination of knowledge. The rate 
at which economic expansion went on had a marked 
influence upon the organization of school systems. For 
instance, in a state such as Victoria, which developed with 
extraordinary rapidity, whatever local and denominational 
framework for education existed in the early days of the 
community broke down altogether, and the full responsi- 
bility for primary school organization had to be accepted 
by the State itself. The buildings were vested in the 
Minister of Education, and teachers became civil servants, 
both buildings and teachers being catalogued and known 
by a simple number. In New South Wales and the other 
Australian States, in which the industrial expansion has 
been only less rapid than in Victoria, there is the same 
tendency towards over-centralization. Fortunately for 
Canada and South Africa, an older and less rapid develop- 
ment of their resources preceded the time of immigration 
on a larger scale. Consequently traditions as to the value 
of local autonomy in regard to school government had 
had time to establish themselves in both dominions, 
counteracting the natural tendency in new and rapidly- 
filling districts to place education altogether in depart- 
mental hands. Nevertheless, if the Transvaal be compared 
with Cape Province, or Alberta with Nova Scotia, it will 
be seen that local responsibility for schools is not as 
great in the newer as in the older province. As the 
populations of the self-governing dominions increase, this 
question of the decentralization of education will become in- 
creasingly important. But these communities may comfort 
themselves with the reflection that even in England itself 
the mould into which local school authority is now poured 
was not devised until the beginning of the present century. 


In the last place let us consider how our rapid industrial Effects of 
expansion has affected the quality of education. It is to ^elop^ 
the development of the applied sciences, especially of ment on 
engineering, that that expansion is due. And at the f^duca- y 
foundation of most new engineering processes is the power tion - 
of accurate measurement. The nineteenth century 
became in fact the age of exact measurement to such a 
degree that in everything the measurable property was 
that which was sought out, even in those cases in which 
it might have an insignificant value in comparison with 
other properties which could not be reduced to a simple 
statistical basis. It was so in education. The immeasur- 
able, living influence which the teacher is able to bring to 
bear upon his pupils could, it was assumed, be neglected 
for the numerical results to be obtained in connexion 
with a written or possibly an oral examination. Great 
Britain, as the pioneer of industrial expansion, was pecu- 
liarly open to this fallacious reasoning and at that time 
carried with her a wrong standard of education wherever 
she went. ' Payment by results,' as a means of educational 
control of the primary schools, was actually invented by 
a Chancellor of the Exchequer who previously had had 
Australian experience, nor has its influence been less 
disastrous for education in Victoria than in England. 
In connexion with secondary schools, our ancient univer- 
sities lent their great authority to scarcely less cheap forms 
of appraisement, instituting a series of examinations 
which lay entirely outside their own teaching responsi- 
bilities. The Charity Commissioners, with their new 
schemes for grammar school foundations, used subtler 
methods, but everywhere the competitive spirit was 
encouraged at the expense of the co-operative, and there 
was a tendency to disregard all distinction of mind which 
could not readily be trained to yield equal distinction in 
examination. We have our reward in the present state 
of secondary education — still being submitted to measure- 
ment in detail and still unorganized. But perhaps the 
greatest mischief of all has been done in the field of 
university work, through which the measuring-machine 


of examination has been carried from the centre to the 
farthest confines of the Empire. New Zealand and India 
are conspicuous instances of the adoption of those false 
university standards which resulted from the mid- 
Victorian policy of the University of London. Since that 
policy has now been condemned by official opinion in India 
and by more than one Royal Commission at home, we 
may take it that the problem before us in university as 
in lower education, is how most conveniently to sub- 
stitute true standards for the false, the right incentives 
to intellectual effort for inducements which turn the 
acquisition of knowledge into a mere mechanical industry. 
Technical It would be most unwise, however, to abandon what 
tion™ was g°°d in the old methods. Science rightly interpreted, 
and divorced no longer from the things of the spirit, will 
again uncover the realities of education. The dogmas 
of infallible text-books, learned by heart, and brought 
out for examination purposes alone, must go the way of 
those examinations themselves. Nothing should intervene 
between the teacher and the taught to diminish the eager- 
ness of both to give and to receive a fruitful knowledge 
of life. But then our British teachers everywhere must 
be trained as they have never yet been trained. Not only 
should a higher standard of scholarship be exacted, but 
they should be afforded in much fuller measure during 
their training those opportunities for the development 
of character which have been made the special objective 
of our public schools and colleges. Teaching should also 
be a single profession, not divided arbitrarily into primary, 
secondary, and higher compartments. Sharp lines of 
demarcation of this sort are as bad for a national concep- 
tion of education as are school divisions along purely 
denominational lines. On the same grounds it is desirable 
to render less extreme the differences of organization 
and of the subjects of study which separate the modern 
municipal universities from the older type of which Oxford 
and Cambridge are representative. Already we see the 
latter universities yielding to the demand for higher 
technical instruction in connexion with engineering and 


agriculture as well as other subjects. On the other 
hand, even those municipal institutions which were started 
wholly for technical instruction are tending to become 
all-round university colleges, or even full universities, 
and to provide tutorial classes and even halls of residence. 
Thus excessive differentiation due in part to a false 
conception of economic needs may in time be obliterated ; 
and the process can be much assisted by the construction 
of an educational ' highway ' for every one of sufficient 
mental calibre, whatever his social position. 

As between different parts of the Empire we must also Conclu- 
watch closely the effect of differing economic and legal 81011 ' 
conditions. If they are allowed to drive a permanent 
wedge between the ideals in which one community of 
British subjects and another are being trained, it can be 
only a question of time when separation shall take place. 
Hence congresses of heads of education departments and 
of university teachers and officials throughout the Empire 
have a special value. Hence, also, the great advantage of 
drawing the schools closer together through the inter- 
change of their inspectors and of their teachers, and 
of correspondence between school-children in different 
countries. Even mistakes in our scholastic ideals may 
be regarded with greater toleration if they are made 
together and are rectified in the several dominions at no 
great interval of time. 

For let us be clear of this, that the greatest educational 
conceptions which the mother country has to offer to all 
British subjects in all British lands are her ideals of 
character and of citizenship. This is by no means felt 
only in the dominions which have attained to self- 
government and to national self-consciousness in the 
fullest measure, and which are already helping to shape 
the course of our Empire. It has every whit as vitalizing 
an influence upon education in less advanced communities 
under the Crown — secretly aware, as they are, of a spirit 
that is causing their sons and their daughters to prophesy ; 
their old men to dream dreams and their young men to 
see visions. 



By Dr. F. M. Sandwith 

These health problems may be conveniently grouped 
under three headings — general hygiene, diseases affecting 
the whole Empire, and those with which our tropical 
possessions are chiefly concerned. The principles of 
hygiene are the same everywhere, but practical methods 
have to be adapted to particular circumstances. 

General Hygiene 

Water- The health of a community depends upon a supply of 

supp y. wa ter, not only sufficient in quantity but pure in quality. 
In countries with a seasonal and irregular rainfall, like 
Australia, this question often becomes critical and is very 
difficult of solution. The quantity per head used in 
European cities varies from 16 gallons in Berlin to 
50 gallons in Glasgow, daily. But in some rainless parts 
of Australia the miners have to be content with 2 gallons 
per head per day. 

Granted an adequate supply, the purity of the water 
consumed should be the first care of a people or of an 
individual traveller. Shallow wells of a depth of 50 feet 
or less can only yield pure water when there is no risk 
of pollution from surface washings and when they are 
not near drains, cesspools, or cemeteries. Such wells 
should be protected by a raised parapet from surface 
washings. Reservoirs and cisterns should be covered, 
ventilated, and wire-netted to keep the water clean and 
to prevent their acting as breeding grounds for mosquitoes. 
Small fish are often kept in domestic cisterns to eat the 
larvae of gnats. 


In towns water should be submitted to sand filtration Filtra- 
before distribution ; while doubtful water in small tlon * 
quantities must be heated to 180° F., which makes it less 
insipid to the taste than boiling and, of course, requires 
less fuel. This is a more satisfactory manner of dealing 
with water of doubtful quality than using domestic filters, 
many of which are quite useless, and all of which are less 
likely than heat to destroy dangerous micro-organisms, 
such as those of cholera, enteric fever, and dysentery. 
The possession of a filter gives a fictitious sense of security 
to the user, and the only permissible ones are the Pasteur- 
Chamberland and the Berkefeld, provided the filter 
candles of each are scrubbed and boiled at least once 
a week. 

When filtration and heat are impossible, water can be 
roughly purified by adding permanganate of potash to it, 
until a pink tinge appears and persists for half an hour. 
To purify a well temporarily 4 ounces may be placed in 
a bucket of water and poured into the well. 

A gallon of muddy water can be cleared and purified 
to some extent by adding 6 grains of alum to it and then 
5 grains of lime. 

It is well to note that water should never be conveyed 
from the reservoir to houses by an open conduit, because 
it is certain to become polluted by man and rain. This 
has been repeatedly proved to be the source of disease in 
South Africa and in Egypt. 

If the question of the water-supply is of paramount Sewage. 
importance one of almost equal concern to the sanitary 
administrator is that of the disposal of sewage. The ideal 
manner of dealing with sewage is to use it as a fertilizer 
upon cultivated land, and every large town of more than 
15,000 inhabitants should be provided with a drainage 
system to carry the refuse away from the population. 
But sewers seldom exist in villages and small towns, 
whence waste products must be removed by manual 
labour or by carts. In any conservancy system it is im- 
portant to ensure protection from rain and flood-water 
in order to keep the quantity of sewage within manageable 


bounds. Therefore surface drainage should not be allowed 
to flow into the sewage drains, a mistake which has been 
made in some towns. 

Until the twentieth century it was believed that some 
epidemic diseases were only water-borne, and it therefore 
seemed that the daily removal of house sewage by the pail 
and cart system furnished the best safeguard against the 
spread of enteric fever, which is a potential danger in 
every community. But modern knowledge teaches that 
some sewage-borne diseases are also communicable to 
man by dust and flies, and the discovery of this fact has 
added considerably to the difficulties of the problem. 

Domestic sewage can be conveniently dealt with by 
cemented cesspools, isolated from the house, which can 
be emptied without nuisance by a hose attached to a large, 
specially constructed cart. By means of the hose the 
contents are pumped up, while the gases are rendered 
odourless by a system of passing them through a small 
fire attached to the mechanism of the pump. 

All cesspools in warm countries become a successful 
breeding- place for mosquitoes, unless their ventilators and 
other openings are screened by wire gauze. It is also 
wise to pour petroleum into the cesspool once a week 
to destroy the mosquito larvae which are deposited as 
eggs in the sewage water. 

The destruction of all house refuse by heat is ideal from 
the sanitary point of view, but it is seldom practicable. 
Food- In considering the food-supply of a community care 

8U PP y- mU st be taken that the diet is neither poor in quality nor 
a vehicle of disease, while monotony must also be avoided. 
The customs and habits of the British citizen generally 
tend towards an excess of animal proteids in the dietary 
to the neglect of the other essentials which contribute 
towards perfect nutrition, but it should be remembered 
that there is more risk in under-feeding than over-feeding, 
often not in the quantity consumed, but in deficiency of 
nutrition resulting from a lack of one or more of the con- 
stituents necessary to preserve health. Scurvy, for instance, 
can be produced by a deficiency of fresh vegetables 


and fruit, rickets in children is caused by substituting 
starchy food for milk, while beri-beri has now been traced 
to the use of rice, when it is the chief article of diet, which 
has been deprived of the outer layers of the grain by 
undue polishing. 

A better knowledge of the value of foods would be very 
profitable among the people themselves, especially among 
women, whose business it is to purchase and cook it. 

Infected milk has been found to disseminate many 
diseases, scarlet, enteric, and Mediterranean fevers, 
diphtheria, cholera, dysentery, tuberculosis, and infantile 
diarrhoea. The municipal authorities of a community 
are partly responsible for the quality of the milk-supply, 
and they should ensure that the greatest possible care 
is taken in the handling, distribution, and storage of milk. 
Those who cannot supervise scrupulous cleanliness at the 
dairy and in their own households must be content with 
boiled milk if they would keep themselves and their 
children alive. 

Meat, whether fresh or frozen, should be carefully 
examined by an expert before it is exhibited for sale in 
the public market, and also before being accepted by the 
private individual ; and all meat tins which show signs 
of bulging should be rejected. ' Measles ' in the meat 
of the ox and pig are due to tiny cysts, which often 
develop into tape-worms in the human intestine. 

The housing of the people becomes an acute question Housing. 
sooner or later in every growing community, while the 
ill effects of bad housing have been many times illustrated 
in past and present history. Huts or houses improperly 
built and grouped together with no forethought or plan 
for the development of the future city have resulted in 
crowded areas, which eventually become so unhealthy 
as to necessitate the dispersal of the inhabitants or the 
entire rebuilding of those quarters. Wide streets, clean 
open spaces, and some building laws suitable to the locality 
are necessary for the health of the population, in addition 
to a pure water-supply and efficient sewage disposal. 
The neglect of good housing conditions encourages those 


evils unfortunately familiar enough in great cities, tuber- 
culosis, alcoholism, immorality, and many another plague 
among the poorest folk. 
Health The health problems of the British Empire beyond the 

of empire: seas can never De sa id to have been satisfactorily dealt 
emigra- w ith until it is shown that not only healthy young men, 
women. Du t a l so their women and children can live and thrive in 
every part of it. 

Doctors and nurses are now a necessary accompaniment 
of our civilization, and if married women are not to shrink 
from maternity as their obvious duty to the Empire, 
trained midwives must be provided in the principal towns 
to lessen the dangers of child-birth. It is satisfactory to 
know that the Colonial Nursing Association in London 
has every year an increasing demand for nurses, and in 
1913 the number of nurses at work is 298, of whom 114 
are employed as private nurses or by the governments of 
Western Australia and Zanzibar, while the remaining 184 
are in the service of the Government in the Crown Colonies. 
India is also gradually being supplied with trained nurses. 
It may be right to send the flower of British manhood 
to people our far-away possessions, but the way must 
be made easy for their sisters and wives to follow them. 
If the preponderance of women over men is a grievance 
in Britain the remedy lies in encouraging women to 
migrate where they are urgently needed to help men to 
found homes in our newer countries. Healthy men should 
not be condemned to celibacy, but even this is preferable 
to what seems the alternative to some, the temporary 
mating with coloured women. Nothing is so likely to 
lower the colonizer in the native mind, nothing is so 
unnecessary from the physiological point of view, or more 
debasing to the dignity of the young colonist. 

International Quarantine 

Quaran- The British sanitarians have been for years the chief 

inspect movers of that reasonable view of quarantine which 

tion. refuses to regard measures against the importation of 

diseases into a country merely as means of self-defence. 


The old-fashioned custom of excluding the healthy as 
well as the sick because they had had the misfortune 
to travel together on the same ship, and further to con- 
demn the healthy to remain associated with the sick 
until all chance of safety had gone, has gradually been 
replaced by a form of more reasonable quarantine, which 
accepts the humane responsibility of caring alike for both 
sick and healthy. 

The rational system of medical inspection, which is 
gradually superseding quarantine, depends in a great 
measure upon the gradual and steady growth of public 
opinion, which has been taught to rely upon the general 
hygienic conditions of the country as the best means of 
safeguarding its people from the ravages of epidemic 
diseases. The very existence of Britain depends upon free 
and untrammelled commercial intercourse with other 
countries, while we are exposed to the constant importa- 
tion of epidemic disease as a natural consequence of our 
universal trade. The quarantine history of Britain has 
been that of a prolonged struggle between the two great 
interests of commerce and public health, but it has now 
been successfully demonstrated that the greatest freedom 
of trade can best be promoted by reasonable means 
adopted for the preservation of the public health. 

Though quarantine, meaning the enforced detention and History of 
segregation of infected vessels arriving in any port, has ^ ran " 
been employed against many diseases, it was originally 
directed only against plague. So long ago as the year 542 
the Emperor Justinian ordained that persons who came 
from a plague-stricken country should be isolated under 
observation for forty days, in order to ascertain whether 
they carried with them the germs of the disease. In 
1374, when plague was devastating Lombardy, an order 
was issued that any person attacked with any disease 
should forthwith be exiled to the fields or woods until 
released by death or recovery, and, in imitation of the 
precepts of Leviticus, the parish priests were ordered 
under severe penalties to examine the sick and report 
the nature of their illness. So strong was the belief in 


personal contagion that those who tended the sick were 
compulsorily isolated for at least ten days after the death 
of the patient. 

The Venetians were the first to adopt a complete code of „ 
quarantine laws, and their revised model of 1448 served 
as a type for all other countries until recent times. Venice, 
then the great centre of trade with the East, was, by reason 
of its commercial prosperity, more exposed than any 
other State to the importation of plague. It was therefore 
enacted that all merchants and other persons arriving 
from the Levant must remain in the house of St. Lazarus 
for a period of forty days before they could enter the city. 
This gives us the origin of the term ' quarantine ' and of 
* lazaretto ', the latter still in use, the name of the saint 
being itself derived from the Hebrew words, ' he whom 
God helps.' 

The first quarantine Act in England was passed in 1710, 
under the influence of panic, for plague was then raging 
in the Baltic. Innumerable quarantine measures against 
plague and cholera followed until 1839, when a masterly 
dispatch from Lord Palmerston to the British Ambassador 
in Constantinople criticized the harsh measures of the 
Turkish Government, and pointed out that the enforce- 
ment of cleanliness and ventilation would strike at the 
causes of plague more effectually than the violent dis- 
turbance of domestic arrangements of families, which 
could only be productive of inconvenience and suffering 
to numerous individuals. 

This brief historical summary has been introduced to 
point the moral that in former days ignorance demanded 
that all arrivals from plague ports and cargoes of ships 
should be shunned, while we now know that bubonic 
plague is not communicable from man to man, and that 
cargo and clothing are only dangerous if they convey 
the real vehicles of infection, i.e. the infected fleas of rats. 
As in all similar questions, knowledge and education based 
on that knowledge are of paramount necessity. 

To give an illustration of the absurdity of unintelligent 
quarantine regulations, the writer may mention that in 


1883, when Egypt was in dire need of disinfectants to deal 
with cholera, which was then devastating the country, 
he saw several cases of carbolic acid, which had arrived 
from England (where there was no cholera at the time) 
detained for some days by the quarantine authorities in 
Alexandria in order that the outsides of the wooden 
boxes should be sprinkled with a lotion ! 

One of many International Conferences was held at The abo- 
Vienna in 1874, when land quarantine was declared by ^nT ° 
a majority of the Powers to be useless, and for the first quaran- 
time medical inspection of ships and passengers was substitu- 
formally adopted instead of port quarantine, though tlo " of 
a minority, headed by France, voted against it. inspec- 

At the International Sanitary Congress at Dresden in lon ' 
1893, the Powers agreed to keep each other informed of 
the progress of a cholera epidemic, and also of the means 
employed to prevent the spread of the disease. 

In 1896 quarantine was formally abolished by Parlia- 
ment in Great Britain, and an end was officially put to 
the custom of vexatious detention of a healthy vessel 
merely because she had arrived from an infected port. 
Since that date there has been a gradual inclination on 
the part of some other Powers to substitute the system 
of medical inspection for quarantine, but there are still 
some ports where the authorities cannot be made to see 
that quarantine, even when carried out as strictly as 
possible, has not the effect of arresting the importation of 
disease. Sir John Simon once defined quarantine as an 
elaborate system of leakiness. Speaking generally, it is 
those countries which rely upon a false feeling of con- 
fidence, engendered by quarantine regulations, which 
neglect those sanitary measures which alone are of any 
avail against the spread of infection. 

Ample time has elapsed to test the system so long 
advocated by the British — medical inspection ; but one of 
the successful instances may be quoted. In the summer 
of 1892, when cholera was raging in Hamburg, free and 
unrestricted intercourse took place between that port and 
Britain. No fewer than 35 cases (with 11 deaths) of 

13216 T 


cholera were introduced by twenty ships into nine British 
ports between August and October, but in no single 
instance was there any spread of the disease. Seven of 
the cases were not discovered on arrival by the sanitary 
authorities, but, when recognized, they were isolated in 

Exclusion of epidemic diseases, therefore, requires the 
medical inspection of incoming ships at large sea-ports, 
with proper supervision of the health of the port popula- 
tion, besides suitable hospital accommodation for the 
isolation of the sick and for the observation of suspected 
persons. Bacteriological laboratories for diagnosis, and 
buildings and plant for efficient disinfection are also 

All infectious diseases should be compulsorily notifiable, 
vaccination with calf-lymph against small-pox must be 
enforced, and the women who belong to the oldest pro- 
fession in the world should be regularly inspected. 

Diseases affecting the whole Empire 
Alco- The first disease to be mentioned under this heading 

is alcoholism. The inhabitants of northern climates have 
always been addicted to strong drink as well as to strong 
meat diet, but although educated people have learnt the 
power of self-control and do not become intoxicated, many 
still consume more than is physiologically good for them. 

Our coloured brethren, who seem to have been intended 
by Nature for a more vegetarian diet, seldom enlivened 
by alcohol, take to strong drinks with avidity, lose their 
higher control at once, and yield without a struggle to 
the poisonous effects of alcohol. For these, as for all 
children and for intemperate northerners, only one 
doctrine can be preached — absolute teetotalism. 

Education all over the Empire has done much in the last 
fifty years to diminish drinking habits, but the custom 
of taking alcohol on an empty stomach is still far too 
prevalent among men in Canada, South Africa, and else- 
where, where the wholesome check of public opinion is 
not so strongly pronounced as in these islands. It is 


done either as a conventional habit or to encourage an 
appetite, but whatever the excuse, the effect on the diges- 
tive system is bad, and it tends towards alcoholic excess. 
Those who live in cold climates are justified, if they like it, 
in taking some alcohol with every meal, but in the tropics 
it is better to abstain from it until the evening repast. 
It adds to the causes of irritability and predisposes towards 
liver disease and sunstroke. It is not a tonic, it is an im- 
perfect food, a very temporary stimulant, an unsatis- 
factory sedative, and although a useful medicine, it is 
the worst of masters. 

x\s regards quantity, it is usually stated that the amount 
which can be completely oxidized in the body in one day 
varies from one to one and a half fluid ounces of absolute 
alcohol, say, one or two whiskies and sodas, or two or 
three glasses of strong wine, or a tumblerful of any weaker 
wine, or one imperial pint of bottled beer per day. 

At the same time it is necessary to remember in hot 
countries that the system requires a plentiful supply of 
liquid when rapid evaporation from the skin is taking 
place. A man in the tropics should therefore be encour- 
aged to drink freely, but he should be reminded that there 
are many excellent non-alcoholic drinks. 

Tuberculosis is world-wide, causing in some commu- Tubercu- 
nities from one-sixth to one-twelfth of the deaths from losis * 
all causes. Of the various forms of this disease tubercle 
of the lungs is by far the most deadly. A terrible toll in 
tuberculosis is paid every year in India, Australia, South 
and West Africa, Canada, and the West Indies, and though, 
in the case of the European, the disease, if taken in time, 
may be arrested or even cured, the coloured races succumb 
fatally and rapidly. 

The infective nature of the bacillus in dried sputum 
has been fully recognized since 1882, and wherever there 
is an accumulation of dust and refuse from human 
dwellings the bacillus is likely to be present. Over- 
crowding and deficient ventilation, which are the chief 
predisposing factors, have not yet vanished before the 
gospel of fresh air. 

t 2 


While ignorance of the infectivity of the disease led 
to its spread in past generations, the fear of it among 
contacts now causes an unnecessary amount of suffering 
to the patient in many instances. Panic will not avail ; 
it must be remembered that the consumptive person is 
almost harmless in himself and only becomes dangerous to 
others through bad habits, which he should be compelled 
to discontinue. If every one lived in an abundance of fresh 
air by day and by night, the disease could be eradicated. 
Until that time comes, education, notification, improved 
housing, with windows open day and night, will accom- 
plish much, provided that early cases are educated in 
a sanatorium and taught how to avoid endangering the 
lives of others, while late cases and their sputa should 
be treated in a way to prevent their being a source of 
infection to the healthy. The poorest should be able to 
get an unlimited supply of fresh air for nothing, and they 
must be educated to look upon it as their most valuable 
birth-right. Above all, they must be emancipated from 
the old superstition, which dates from malarial days, 
that night air is injurious. 
Enteric. Enteric fever, often under other names, such as typhoid 
fever, has been well known for a century as a constant 
danger to Europeans in almost every part of the world, 
and as one of the most frequent diseases which war 
brings in its train. It is the common continued fever of 
all temperate countries. Unlike alcoholism, tuberculosis, 
pneumonia, and plague, to which native races seem to 
offer little resistance, enteric fever exhibits a marked 
susceptibility for Europeans. It was even doubted at 
one time whether the natives of China, India, and Egypt 
were not insusceptible, but to-day we know that all races 
are capable of suffering from it, though all are not equally 
liable to its attacks. Like two very different complaints, 
cancer and appendicitis, it seems to spare the savage 
until he comes in contact with civilization. 

The enteric fever bacillus is spread from the sick to 
the healthy by means of infected water, ice, milk, un- 
cooked food, dust, flies, shell-fish, and clothing. Several 


mysterious outbreaks, not apparently due to any such 
causes, have been traced of late years to ' typhoid carriers ', 
individuals who had completely recovered from their 
attack and yet remained a source of danger to others 
by harbouring the bacillus. 

In order to reduce the chances of infection for the new- 
comer it is wise now to inoculate travellers and emigrants 
to insanitary countries before they leave England. Two 
such anti-typhoid vaccinations must be made with an 
interval of ten days, and some degree of protection is thus 
afforded for the first two or three years, while the individual 
is still specially susceptible and has not learnt the best 
means of protecting himself against infection. 

Voluntary anti-typhoid vaccination is gaining in popu- 
larity in the British Army, especially in India, and interest- 
ing statistics are gradually coming to hand. As one 
illustration, it may be stated that an English cavalry 
regiment landed in India 593 strong ; 127 men were 
twice inoculated and no cases of enteric fever occurred 
among them ; 23 were only inoculated once and furnished 
two cases of that disease ; the remaining 443 declined to 
be inoculated, and among them 61 contracted enteric 

This is a very important question because it is calculated 
that 82 per cent, of Europeans are attacked by enteric 
fever within three years of reaching India. It has been 
estimated that this disease alone in India was responsible 
for an annual loss of £230,000. 

Diphtheria is another world-wide disorder of temperate Diph- 
zones, but the mortality has been greatly reduced since thena * 
the introduction of antitoxin inoculations, which should 
always be used early, even before an accurate diagnosis 
is possible, in any suspicious case of throat infection. The 
disease is sometimes spread by milk, it is certainly con- 
nected with insanitation, and is mainly a disorder of 
childhood, though adults often suffer from it. 

A plentiful supply of antitoxin should be kept for 
emergency use, and in a well-ordered State it may be 
considered justifiable to dispense it gratuitously, and also 


to charge no fee for the bacteriological examination of 
swabs taken from the suspected throats. It is more 
important to the community than to the sufferer that he 
should not spread the disease. 

Out of many instances showing the value of antitoxin, 
one may be quoted from a children's hospital in Berlin. 
In the pre-antitoxin era, 1890-4, there were treated 
1,287 cases of diphtheria, of which 529, or 41-1 per cent., 
died. The antitoxin treatment began on March 15, 1894, 
and in the succeeding twelve months 525 cases were 
treated with it, of which 83, or 15-6 per cent., died. 
Unfortunately, during five months in 1895 no antitoxin 
could be obtained ; 126 cases of diphtheria were admitted 
to the hospital, of which 61, or 48-4 per cent., died. Anti- 
toxin was then again obtained and the death-rate again 
fell. London experience is similar, for in the fever hospitals 
of the Metropolitan Asylums Board the mortality, which 
used to be 30-25 per cent. (11,704 patients treated between 
1888 and 1894), has gradually fallen to 9-29 per cent. 

Antitoxin has been used not only as a curative treat- 
ment but, especially in the United States, as a preventive 
remedy. If, for instance, in a school where more than one 
case has occurred, or in a family where even one case has 
arisen, it is wise to inject each child who has been exposed 
to infection with a small dose of antitoxin. 

Diseases with which our Tropical Possessions are chiefly 

Historical. Until the last quarter of the nineteenth century it was 
universally held that the tropics, by reason of their 
proximity to the equator, were unhealthy for the white 
man, and that it was the heat by day and by night which 
was chiefly responsible for the fevers and other illnesses 
to which he was liable. Every one knew that life in the 
tropics meant exposure to risks unknown at home, but 
until the scientific awakening of modern times no one 
believed that most of the diseases of a hot climate, when 
not induced by obstinate errors connected with clothing, 
food, and drink, reached man by means of insects or worms. 


The foundation of our knowledge of tropical medicine Parasites 
and how to make the tropics habitable for the white ^ s ™ e g 
man was laid when it was realized that parasites cause 
disease. When Patrick Manson, an unknown medical 
officer in Amoy, began publishing, in 1872, a series of 
papers on the filaria worm, no one dreamt that this was 
the first step towards solving the problems of life in the 
tropics. Yet his discoveries of the different phases of 
development of filaria embryos in the mosquito and the 
connexion between this worm and elephantiasis, laid 
a train of events of which no one can now foresee the 
ultimate conclusion. 

The development of the mosquito-malaria theory, so 
successfully worked out by Sir Ronald Ross, the unearth- 
ing from official pigeon-holes of the almost forgotten 
theory that yellow-fever was conveyed to man by a 
mosquito, the proof that dengue fever is also transmitted 
by one or two kinds of mosquitoes, all followed on rapidly 
in natural sequence. But these epoch-making discoveries 
would not have been possible if it had not been for the 
simultaneous development of the microscope. Until the 
nineteenth century ' Nature had kept over all her inner 
workshops the forbidding inscription, " No Admittance " ' 
(0. W. Holmes). The perfection of the microscope has 
given us new eyes to admit us into many of her minute 
and intricate workings. 

Another great factor in the growth of knowledge of 
tropical diseases has been the progress of bacteriology 
and its younger sister, protozoology. Priestly prophets 
in mediaeval times had often suspected that diseases 
were due to minute living organisms in the blood, but 
the world had to wait till the decade beginning in 1879 
for the dread diseases, leprosy, typhoid fever, tuberculosis, 
cholera, tetanus, and Malta fever to yield up the secrets 
of their bacterial nature. 

The American Government, encouraged by our working Preven- 
knowledge of the prevention of three rampant diseases, disease in 
malaria, dysentery, and yellow fever, decided to stamp P ana j na 
them out in the Isthmus of Panama, and has given us zone. 


a marvellous instance of what effective sanitary organiza- 
tion can accomplish if backed by money and executive 
control. In 1881 Ferdinand de Lesseps tried to realize 
the dream of navigators and engineers by beginning to 
cut the Panama Canal. Fevers proved to be the chief 
obstacle, and in 1885 the mortality among the employes 
reached the appalling maximum of 176-9 per 1,000, while 
the sick-rate, aided by financial disasters, brought the 
work to an end. When, in 1904, the United States deter- 
mined to complete the abandoned canal, the death-rate 
was still as high as 71 per 1,000. Six years later Surgeon- 
General Gorgas had gradually reduced this mortality to 
21-1 per 1,000, and the health rate of the district is now 
more satisfactory than that of New York. 

There are still many tropical diseases which have not 
yet disgorged their final secrets, but much good work has 
been done by the Tropical Schools, among which those 
inaugurated in 1899 in London and Liverpool have taken 
no unimportant share. 

Nearly all the tropical world has been appropriated by 
white races, and the white man's burden is to administer 
his trust, remembering that the responsibility of empire 
has been the making of his race. Britain's burden of 
tropical races is six times greater than the combined 
tropical population of France, Germany, and the United 
States. In Asia we are responsible for nearly 300 millions, 
in Africa for 30 millions, and in the Pacific for more than 
one million people. 
Health Past experience, often painful, has proved to us that 

tration?" ^he satisfactory prevention and treatment of diseases 
require above all things an effective administration, in 
order to achieve the best possible results at the least 
possible cost to the community. The first essential is that 
hygiene shall have a representative on the supreme 
governing body of a country or a municipality. Sanitation 
implies continual war, and it is important to give to the 
head of a public health department similar rank to the 
individual responsible for the military forces. He should 
control sanitary engineering work, for most of us know 


of instances where vast sums of money have been expended 
on water-supply or drainage without previous consultation 
with the sanitary authority. The general public still 
regards the medical profession as a useful curative agent 
of individuals, and fails to recognize its value in preventing 
the diseases of the whole population. 

Local epidemics must be controlled, if necessary, by 
expert officers from head-quarters of thorough modern 
knowledge of the sanitation and epidemiology of the 
locality. The working force of defence against the enemy 
must be provided on the spot, and it must be remembered 
that a health officer by himself is powerless. In 1884 a 
young Englishman was appointed to the head of the 
public health department of an Oriental country, just 
emancipated from cholera, and was told by his English 
official chief to ' sweep up the country ' ; on inquiry he 
found that the government had no sweepers, no brooms, 
and no money to procure them ! 

In the tropics Western ideas of hygiene are a modern Effects in 
importation, not yet assimilated as part of the national n ia " 
life ; without European energy and control all sanitation 
would disappear in a few years, though every generation 
of inhabitants which has come under educative influence 
is a little less insanitary than its predecessor. Even in 
India, where health progress is impeded by financial 
circumstances and by the masterly inactivity of an 
enormous population, there has been an extraordinary 
improvement in the general health and consequent 
reduction of the death-rate as evidenced to some extent 
by the statistics of our two armies. In 1880 the mortality 
of the British troops in India was 24-85 per 1,000; this 
number gradually fell to 4-89 in the year 1911. The 
Indian troops in 1880 had a death-rate of 39-22 per 1,000, 
which was reduced year by year till 1911, when it was only 
4-48. This mortality rate has been diminished by pre- 
cautionary measures against such preventable diseases as 
cholera, enteric fever, and dysentery, which still prevail 
at times in the villages surrounding the military canton- 


To take cholera alone, nearly every year in the nine- 
teenth century saw at certain seasons explosive epidemics 
among the troops due to specific contamination of the 
water-supplies. Yet in the years 1910 and 1911 the death- 
rate from cholera in both British and Indian troops was 
only about one per ten thousand. This result has been 
achieved in a country where, in the year 1869, one British 
regiment lost a third of its total strength from cholera. 

In spite of the fact that in all tropical countries the 
problems of preventive medicine are more difficult than 
in temperate climates, much good work has been done in 
the direction of stamping out human disease, and this 
may be gathered from the following brief summary of the 
chief tropical scourges. 
Malaria. It is impossible not to begin with malaria, because of its 
antiquity, its prevalence, and its successful obliteration 
in those parts of the world where the human male is as 
nimble-witted as the female gnat. Malaria, still often 
called ague or jungle-fever, or ' fever of the country ', 
is perhaps the most important of all diseases which 
attack man. In India alone, where the mosquito has so 
far been allowed too untroubled a life, it is calculated that 
the annual death-rate from malaria equals the population 
of a great city. 

When Professor Laveran, in 1880, then an obscure 
army surgeon in Algiers, first saw, by the aid of an in- 
different microscope, the living malarial parasite in a red 
corpuscle of human blood, he elevated malaria out of 
empirical darkness and made it easy for us all to learn 
why quinine is the specific remedy. Laveran's parasites 
were shown by Sir Patrick Manson to Sir Ronald Ross 
in 1894, and the latter, on his return to India, determined 
to work out the whole subject thoroughly, and to test 
the theory as to whether any kind of mosquito were con- 
cerned in the transmission of malaria. His first experi- 
ments were unsuccessful, and his work was twice inter- 
rupted for long periods by the exigencies of the Indian 
Medical Service. But in 1898, by means of experiments on 
sparrows, he succeeded in ascertaining the development 


of Laveran's parasites in the mosquito, and, by analogy, 
the method of infection in human beings. 

The following year, in Sierra Leone, he was able to 
prove that the parasites of human malarial fever all 
develop in Anopheline mosquitoes. That malaria is 
conveyed to men by these mosquitoes and by no other 
method, was a fact which was gradually accepted by 
the scientific world, and, in confirming the work, Professor 
Koch and many Italian and English scientists were able 
to contribute several additional items of knowledge. 

The great truth became evident that mosquito reduction 
must lead to diminished malaria, but it proved difficult to 
persuade any government to spend money on this new 
method of attacking the disease. In 1901 a half-hearted 
attempt to destroy mosquitoes was made in Freetown, 
the capital of Sierra Leone, long known as ' the white 
man's grave ', and in 1902 Sir Ronald Ross was invited 
to proceed to Ismailia on the Suez Canal to advise gener- 
ally as to whether the malaria there could be reduced or 

Modern Egypt is hardly a malarious country, but the Malaria 
three towns on the Suez Canal were exceptions to this in gyp ' 
rule, and the erroneous theory used to be held that the 
prevalence of malaria in them was occasioned by the 
mixture of sea-water with the fresh-water, which is 
brought to the towns by a canal from the Nile at Cairo. 
Ismailia, soon after its creation by De Lesseps, swarmed 
with mosquitoes, both non-malaria-bearing Culicines and 
the malarial Anophelines, but within a year of the arrival 
of Sir Ronald Ross both groups of insects were almost 
entirely exterminated, and the malaria admissions to the 
hospital were reduced from an average of 1,842 to 214 
per year. Since then epidemic malaria in the sleepy little 
town of Ismailia has entirely disappeared, and the 
inhabitants are able to dispense with the use of mosquito- 
nets at night. 

To bring this about three measures were adopted : Destruc- 
(1) shallow pools and puddles, which served as mosquito m0 squi- 
breeding-places, were filled up, (2) the cesspools under the toes - 


houses were treated once a week by pouring into them 
a little petroleum to suffocate the mosquito larvae which 
depend on air, though living in water, (3) a marsh, which 
had been formed by leakage from the Freshwater Canal, 
harboured mosquitoes, and had to be filled. The initial 
expense of these works was only £2,000, and to this must 
be added the annual cost which amounts to less than two 
shillings per head of the population per year. The 
constant work, which must never be neglected, is per- 
formed by a European with two natives. Their duties 
are to visit every house once a week and to pour petroleum 
into the cesspools, also to prevent any stagnant water 
in gardens, water-vessels, tubs, and flower vases. The 
residents are fined if they are obstructive. 

Khartoum, the capital of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 
has been rid of mosquitoes by similar methods under the 
control of Dr. Andrew Balfour, and from being a hotbed 
of malaria, it is now free from the disease, and the in- 
habitants have no need of mosquito-nets to protect them 
from irritating bites. In Khartoum and some other places 
the introduction of fish has been found useful, because 
they devour the mosquito larvae in lakes or pools which 
cannot be drained. 
Anti- Dr. Malcolm Watson's brilliant campaign, begun in 

opera? 8 ' 1901, in the Federated Malay States, has encouraged 
tions others in many tropical countries to try to exterminate 
States. mosquitoes and malaria. Chiefly by draining swamps 
and felling jungle, he reduced the death-rate of the two 
principal towns, Klang and Port Swettenham, from 368 in 
1901 to 59 in the following year, though the mortality of 
the neighbouring districts, where no anti-malarial opera- 
tions had been begun, remained as high as before. 
Previous to his labours, the whole population was 
demoralized, freshly-imported coolies deserted, and out 
of 176 government employes 118 were attacked by 
malaria between September and December. 

The instances given are enough to show that this disease 
can be successfully fought, provided that energy is present, 
that money is spent, and that the European in charge of 



the campaign resists every temptation to become weary 
of well-doing. 

But a successful campaign against malaria includes, in General 
addition to general measures, a great deal of personal Ji^^ 
prevention, and also the destruction of the malarial sures. 
parasites in the human blood, which can most easily be 
achieved by the preventive use of quinine, because the 
drug then comes into contact with the parasites when they 
are young and can offer but little resistance. The personal 
prevention of malaria includes the nightly use of a mos- 
quito-net in the house, unless the bedroom windows and 
doors are thoroughly screened by wire gauze, and the net 
must always be used when travelling. The net should 
consist of ten holes to the linear inch, so as to prevent 
ingress of insects, and also to allow as much air as possible 
to circulate ; jealous care must be taken to see that there 
are no rents in it, that there are no mosquitoes within 
it, and that it is tightly tucked under the mattress. A net 
which allows insects to bite the sleeper through it is useless. 

The next point is to protect the man from bites between 
sunset and his bedtime, when the female mosquitoes are 
specially ravenous. An ideal house has a balcony screened 
by wire gauze, and, failing that, punkahs and electric fans 
will produce a mild draught, which the gnats will not 
tolerate ; and citronella oil or lavender oil, which they 
dislike, can be smeared on to the face and hands. Gloves, 
stockings, and long boots protect to some extent while 
camping. European houses should have no native huts 
in close proximity. Less important than these precautions 
is the daily dose of 5 grains of the bihydrochloride or the 
bisulphate of quinine, but this must never be regarded 
as a substitute for mosquito screening. 

The following relative figures show this at a glance : 
When there is no protection at all 33 per cent, become 
infected by malaria ; if quinine prevention alone is 
trusted, 20 per cent. ; when reliance is placed on mosquito 
prevention only, 2-5 per cent. ; when mosquito and quinine 
prevention are employed the percentage of infected falls 
to 1-75 or less. Those who cannot or will not take regular 


prophylactic quinine are unsuited for life in a malarious 
Black- Blackwater fever, or haemoglobinuric fever, is usually 

feveT placed under a separate heading, because it is believed 
by some experts to be a specific disease, for which some 
definite micro-organism will some day be discovered. 
But most scientists regard it as the haemorrhagic form of 
pernicious malaria, and believe that the laws for its 
prevention are similar. It is common in many parts of 
Africa, and may occur sporadically in England or any 
other northern country in an individual who has recently 
returned from a malarious locality. It is, however, 
a disease which never originates in a cold country. Many 
malarious countries, such as most parts of India, are free 
from blackwater fever, but the geographical distribution 
of intense pernicious malaria is similar to that of black- 
water fever. 

The mortality of this disease is much higher than that 
of malaria ; for instance, the death-rate from malaria 
in 1,800 cases among German troops in Africa was 0-4 
per cent., but 147 cases of blackwater fever among the 
same soldiers gave a mortality of 25 per cent., or more 
than sixty times greater. 

Most patients give the history of having neglected many 
mild attacks of malaria, of having taken quinine but 
intermittently, and at last having taken a large dose of 
it after previous abstention. The poisonous effects of 
quinine under these imprudent circumstances have given 
rise to the unfortunate theory that quinine causes black- 
water fever. It should rather be preached that it is the 
absence or irregularity of quinine consumption which is 
responsible for the attack. After an attack, or when one 
seems to be impending, quinine must be recommenced 
with great caution, say, 1 grain three times a day, and 
gradually increased, so that the patient may slowly be 
re-educated to withstand the drug. 

A European should always be invalided home after an 
attack, and if he should be unfortunate enough, in spite 
of all proper precautions, to be attacked a second time, 


he should not be allowed to return to a malarious 

It is a popular error to suppose that African natives 
never suffer from malaria nor blackwater fever. English- 
men are occasionally, but very rarely, encountered who 
cannot take any dose of quinine without being poisoned 
by it ; the only way to guard against this idiosyncrasy 
is to administer an experimental dose of 10 grains to any 
recruit before he leaves England for the tropics. 

Dysentery is another disease of great antiquity and of Dys- 
almost world-wide prevalence. Often linked in unholy enter ^- 
partnership with malaria, the two have been for centuries 
among the deadliest foes of man and have thrust him 
out of many a fair Garden of Eden. A century ago both 
were among the common complaints of the British Isles ; 
the one was banished by drainage operations for agri- 
culture, while the other was vanquished by a pure water- 
supply. Surely it does not pass the wit of man to conceive 
a day when both these enemies to the human race shall 
be obliterated in our tropical possessions. 

Dysentery is endemic in India and many other countries 
where the natives drink and bathe in the polluted water 
of tanks and streams. It is especially prevalent after 
rains, when the surface impurities are washed into the 

There are many varieties of dysentery, but we have 
learnt now to distinguish two chief forms, one of which 
is due to amoebae, which are micro-organisms capable of 
performing movements both of change of form and place ; 
they enter the human body with water or uncooked 
vegetables and sometimes produce abscess of the liver as 
a sequel to the dysentery. This form used to be treated 
by large and continued doses of ipecacuanha, but since 
1912 this method has been superseded by intramuscular 
injections of emetine, which is an alkaloid of that drug, 
and can be made to cure the disease without unpleasant 
results. It is even hoped that when emetine comes to be 
universally employed, liver complications will be greatly 


The other well-known form of dysentery is due to bacilli, 
which are conveyed to food or drink by the agency of 
flies, or by direct contact with some contaminated 
substance. Emetine is useless here, but serum treatment 
in large doses has met with great success. 

Dysentery is often conveyed from one country to 
another by individuals who believe themselves to be 
cured, but still harbour the infective agent and are there- 
fore a danger to the community. It is not an uncommon 
thing to meet, in London, patients with no dysenteric 
symptoms who are still ' dysentery carriers '. This points 
to the obvious importance of not dismissing patients from 
hospital until it is quite certain that they are thoroughly 
Cholera. Cholera is a communicable disease peculiar to man, 
which prevails endemically in the delta of the Ganges in 
Lower Bengal, and in some other parts of India, and is 
occasionally diffused epidemically through the world, 
when its average death-rate is about one-half of those 

Other diseases due to the entrance of another bacillus 
must be distinguished from true cholera, though they 
are sometimes called ' summer cholera ' or ' cholera of 
children '. 

During the nineteenth century there were seven distinct 
invasions of Europe, usually starting from Bengal to 
other provinces of India, thence being carried by man to 
other countries, including Mecca, where about 100,000 
Mussulman pilgrims assemble every year. The returning 
pilgrims have often carried the disease to Egypt and 
Turkey, from which countries travellers have transported 
it across the Mediterranean to Europe. It also appeared 
in this continent during the Balkan war in November 
1912, when Turkish troops conveyed it from Asia to 
Constantinople and its neighbourhood. When Adrian- 
ople capitulated in the spring of 1913, cholera was present 
in the Turkish garrison and extended to the Bulgarian 
captors ; an epidemic during the summer followed in 
the Balkan States, Greece, and Hungary. 


A great epidemic occurred in 1908, when there are said 
to have been 20,000 deaths in the Hejaz, and the disease, 
taken home by Russian pilgrims, caused 12,000 deaths 
in Russia. In the same year the cholera deaths in India 
reached 600,000, while China lost 30,000, and the Philip- 
pines registered 19,000 deaths. 

It was formerly thought that cholera moved in some 
mysterious unknown way, and for years it was believed 
that it was an air-borne disease. But it is now known 
that it cannot travel more quickly than man, that it is 
communicated from one human being to another like 
enteric fever, by water or food directly contaminated by 
a cholera patient or by infected flies. 

As in other diseases, there are individuals who seem to 
be insusceptible ; on one occasion nineteen people drank 
some water which had been accidentally polluted by 
cholera, yet only five of them contracted the malady. 
The highest mortality is not met with in the regions where 
cholera is endemic, and this leads one to believe that 
residents in endemic areas occasionally gain some im- 

During the cholera epidemic in Alexandria in 1883 
Koch discovered the true cause of the disease, a vibrio 
in the alimentary canal, which, from its likeness to a 
German comma, he called the Comma bacillus. During 
the following year he found similar bacilli in cholera cases 
in India and France, his brilliant observations were con- 
firmed by other workers and the sceptics were gradually 
silenced. The bacillus, when present, is spread during any 
great concourse of people, especially if the ordinary laws 
of European cleanliness are entirely forgotten. Highly 
dangerous are religious fairs, such as the festival at the 
Jaganath temple at Puri in the Orissa Province of Bengal, 
which is sometimes attended by 100,000 devotees. In 
1899, in the town of Puri alone, there were 1,216 cases of 
cholera, with 1,020 deaths, so that it was difficult for the 
authorities to dispose of the dead. Panic naturally 
ensued and the pilgrims on their flight homewards spread 
the disease all over the district. 

1321-6 XJ 


As in enteric fever and dysentery, we have now learnt 
to be on the look out for ' cholera carriers ' among 
individuals who are apparently cured but remain capable 
of spreading the disease. A typical instance of this, 
reported from India, may be cited : A cholera patient 
was discharged from hospital, cured of all symptoms, in 
July 1912 ; he was arrested by the police for some 
criminal offence on the 23rd of the same month and sent 
to prison ; within a few days of his imprisonment 17 cases 
of cholera occurred in his prison, including five deaths, 
and it was noticed that the first prisoner attacked was 
in the same ward as the new arrival. The latter was then 
bacteriologically examined and was found still to be 
infectious, more than three weeks after the onset of his 
attack of cholera. 

One of the dangers of pilgrims returning from the holy 
places of Islam is that they take home with them bottles 
of water from the sacred Zem-zem well, which is tradition- 
ally associated with the miraculous spring which saved 
Hagar and Ishmael from thirst in the desert. This well 
is so polluted by sewage that the water has become 
a dangerous ally of cholera. 
Treat- The medical treatment of cholera used to be chiefly 

measures ^hat of endeavouring to alleviate the prominent symp- 
against toms, but since 1908 Professor Leonard Rogers of Calcutta 
has succeeded in reducing his hospital death-rate from 
60 per cent, to 17 per cent., or even less. His methods 
have been universally adopted in India, and have been 
found of equal value in other countries. 

To prevent the disease several attempts have been 
made to produce a cholera vaccine, of which Kolle's 
method seems to be the best. Its good effects last for 
a year, it reduces considerably the number of persons 
infected, and the inoculated in Japan who contracted 
cholera had milder symptoms than the uninoculated. 

For personal and domestic prevention during an 
epidemic it is necessary to boil all drinking water. This 
is safer than any filter, for even in the finest grade porcelain 
filters bacilli grow through the pores, unless the component 


parts of the filter are frequently boiled. It is important 
in a household not to trust any filter and not to confide 
the boiling process to a native servant. Charcoal and sand 
filters are positively dangerous ; they give a false feeling 
of security and may at the same time spread cholera. 
This happened to an English regiment at Lucknow in 

Besides being conveyed in water, cholera has been 
carried by ice, ice creams, milk, butter, vegetables, salad, 
and fruit. House servants can be kept under control, 
with the exception of the cook, who usually goes every 
day to the market to buy food. As a useful precaution 
he should be made to wash his hands with soap, nail 
brush, and sublimate lotion (1/1000) every morning upon 
his return from market. This is all the more necessary 
when the cook has been sleeping at home, and may have 
been nursing a choleraic relative all night. 

Municipal regulations must be chiefly directed towards 
preventing any contamination of the water-supply, includ- 
ing the goat-skins and carts of water carriers, inspecting 
cow sheds, distributing gratuitously medicines for diar- 
rhoea, isolating the sick, and disinfecting and controlling 
the removal of the corpses. 

Yellow fever is a name which, for at least three centuries, Yellow 
has struck terror into the hearts of those visiting the fever< 
tropical shores of the Atlantic Ocean. In 1840, in George- 
town, Demerara, in the space of a few months, 69 per cent, 
of all the white troops perished, and it is reported that 
almost every case admitted to the military hospital during 
the epidemic ' became yellow fever, no matter what the 
ailment on admission ; and it ultimately became such 
a terror to the soldiers that the utmost difficulty was 
experienced in persuading them to enter it when sick \ 
Surgeon- General Blair's official report also states that this 
hospital was close to a marsh and ' clouds of mosquitoes '. 

In 1853 Dr. L. D. Beauperthuy earned the title of the 
father of the doctrine of insect-borne disease, by writing 
from Venezuela to Paris to maintain that both yellow 
fever and malarial fevers were caused by some poison 



conveyed by the proboscis of the mosquito. But his 
contention fell on deaf ears and his theory was completely 

The foundation-stone of exact yellow fever prevention 
was laid in 1900, when four American army surgeons were 
sent to Cuba to study the disease. In order to test the 
mosquito theory they allowed themselves to be bitten by 
mosquitoes, three of them contracted yellow fever, and 
one of them (Dr. Lazear) died of it. Other expeditions 
were sent from England and France to confirm this new 
discovery, and Dr. Walter Myers became another victim 
in the cause of science and humanity. 

Though no certain micro-organism has yet been 
accepted as the cause of the disease, the new doctrine 
swept away for ever the traditional views as to the nature 
and origin and prevention of ' yellow jack '. 

The Americans discovered that the blood of the patient 
only contained the virus about five days after having 
been infected by a mosquito ; that if the patient were 
bitten by one particular kind of mosquito (Stegomyia 
calopus), that mosquito, after a latent period of twelve 
days, became itself infected and was capable of trans- 
mitting yellow fever to man. Only this one species of 
mosquito is convicted of being the insect carrier or 
transmitting agent of the disease. Infected patients must 
therefore be carefully screened to prevent healthy 
mosquitoes from becoming infected and spreading yellow 
fever. Constant war, by destruction of breeding-places, 
screening, and fumigation, must be waged against the 
insect, which is a common domestic mosquito, and there- 
fore prevalent in towns. It is sometimes called the ' tiger 
mosquito ' ; it breeds in cisterns or humbler water recep- 
tacles ; only the females suck the blood, but they take 
their meals from man by day as well as by night. The 
insect can live for a month and lay seven batches of eggs. 

Anxiety need not be felt as to the possible spread of 
yellow fever in Asia by the piercing of the Panama Canal, 
so long as the sanitary organization of the canal zone 
remains effective. In 1913 the Colonial Office sent four 


medical men to West Africa to try and determine whether 
yellow fever is endemic there or not. 

Dengue is another mosquito-borne fever, which used to Dengue. 
be considered directly contagious from man to man. It 
seldom causes death, but it may incapacitate a patient 
for weeks, and the epidemics spread, like influenza, 
through a community. In 1895, out of a population of 
65,000 in Charlestown, South Carolina, dengue attacked 
50,000, and in 1905 the law courts in Brisbane had to be 
closed because the judges were all laid low by this malady. 

For more than a century it was known to be a fever 
confined to coast towns and river valleys in hot countries, 
to disappear on the onset of cold weather and to be 
absent at high altitudes, but we were too blind to see that 
its geographical distribution coincided with that of Culex 
fatigans, a common tropical mosquito. But in 1902 
Dr. Graham reported from Beirut, Syria, that he had 
infected healthy volunteers by the bites of this mosquito, 
which had been allowed to feed upon a dengue patient. 
He also caused a typical attack of the disease by 
injecting subcutaneously a solution, in normal saline 
fluid, from the salivary glands of an infected mosquito. 
Dr. Ashburn and Dr. Craig, in 1907, confirmed the mosquito 
transmission in the Philippines, and proved that dengue 
could not be conveyed by air or clothes without the inter- 
vention of mosquitoes. They treated 400 cases in the 
general wards of a hospital, carefully screened to prevent 
the entry of mosquitoes, and no fresh cases developed 
among the other patients. 

There are many historical instances of an outbreak of 
dengue preceding the appearance of yellow fever in a town. 
This ceases to be remarkable when we know that both 
fevers are mosquito-borne. 

Any tropical community can now protect itself against 
the continuance of four diseases, filariasis (including 
elephantiasis), malaria, yellow fever, and dengue, pro- 
vided that all mosquitoes are exterminated, that no new 
ones are allowed to develop, and that importation is 



Dengue has many points of similarity with influenza, 
but the two diseases are quite different. On the other 
hand, the Seven Day Fever of Calcutta and of Panama 
is apparently a variety of dengue. 
Bubonic Bubonic plague, for the fourth time in the history of 
man, has, since 1894, spread over most parts of the 
civilized tropical world. Little or no attention was paid 
to seven known endemic centres of plague, mostly in 
Asia, until the disease spread from the Yunnan province 
of China, which borders Tibet and Burma, to Canton 
and Hong Kong, and thus began the widespread epidemic 
from which the world, after a score of years, is still 

When plague reached the city of Bombay in 1896, but 
little attention was paid to it until the death-rate rose 
alarmingly. Indifference yielded to consternation and 
panic ; the management of the epidemic was taken out of 
medical hands and placed in those of the army and police. 

At the risk of being considered ungenerous it is useful 
to recall this episode, which it is to be hoped will never be 
repeated. The soldiers' rule was a short one, for riots 
arose, and indignant natives could not forgive the violation 
of the sanctity of their houses. The plague was not stayed, 
and for a time all preventive measures had to be aban- 
doned. We hasten to add that in spite of this disastrous 
beginning, we are now beholden to Indian medical officers 
for some of the most valuable items of scientific knowledge 
about plague. 

Since the days of the prophet Samuel rats and mice 
were known to mar the land during some plague epi- 
demics, and multitudes of them were destroyed during 
the Great Plague of London in 1665 ; but it was not until 
a Japanese discovered the plague bacillus in Hong Kong 
in 1894, that the true relationship of plague in rats, 
squirrels, marmots, and some other rodents, with plague 
in man could be established. Millions of rats have since 
been destroyed without much affecting their number, 
and the theory was eventually mooted in Australia that 
both rats and men were infected by the flea. 


The work of the second Plague Commission in India, 
appointed in 1907, definitely proved that bubonic plague 
was another insect-borne disease. In April of that year 
the deaths from plague in India were officially returned 
as 314,000, which means that more than seven human 
beings died every minute during that fatal month. 

Several kinds of fleas infesting rats are the carriers of 
bubonic plague, and we are now able to understand how 
the disease has often been conveyed by ships, cargo, and 

The mortality from the disease varies from 20 per cent, 
in a well arranged European hospital, to 60 per cent, 
or more among natives in their own houses. The 
seasonal variation of plague depends chiefly upon the 
prevalence of fleas, for these insects dislike very cold and 
very hot weather. 

Haffkine's plague vaccine has been found to give good 
results in India and other countries, and one inoculation 
seems to protect an individual for about six months. The 
usual chemical disinfectants are powerless to destroy 
fleas, but they can be discovered in an infected empty 
house by introducing guinea-pigs, which, after twenty-four 
hours, are found to be swarming with fleas containing the 
plague bacillus. 

The flea population of an Oriental village can be 
imagined from the reports of the Commission. In one 
room in India, in which dead rats had been found and 
plague cases had occurred among human beings, 263 fleas 
were secured. 

In India alone, since 1896, plague has killed more than 
seven million people. 

Pneumonic plague is really a form of septicaemic or Pneu- 
generalized plague, in which the lungs are chiefly affected. ^J^JJ 
It is spread directly from man to man by bacilli in the air, 
and the mortality is so high that in Manchuria, where 
there were, in 1910-11, some 43,000 cases, there were 
only three recoveries. To prevent infection, masks must 
be used by all who have to deal with this virulent form 
of plague, which is independent of rats and fleas. 


Typhus Typhus and relapsing fevers, often raging hand- in-hand, 

kpsing are now P ra ctically banished from the British Isles and 

fevers. some other parts of Europe by improved hygiene, but 

they still cling obstinately to some endemic areas in India, 

Egypt, and elsewhere. Both fevers are encouraged by 

overcrowding and deficiency of ventilation. 

Of typhus, formerly called ' prison fever ', the micro- 
organism has not yet been discovered, but increasing 
evidence tends to incriminate the bug (and possibly the 
louse) as the carrier of the disease from man to man. 
Bugs live in wooden floors, beds, and furniture, and also 
make their nests in walls, and, like true vampires, nightly 
feed only on blood. Painted iron bedsteads are specially 
necessary for prisons, barracks, and hospitals, and they 
should be easily taken to pieces to be washed. Acetic 
acid, camphor, and carbolic acid are the most useful 
chemicals for destroying bugs. 

There are at least five kinds of relapsing fevers, caused 
by a spirochete in the blood, which is carried from the 
sick to the healthy by lice or bugs ; but the African 
variety, which often attacks Europeans, is conveyed to 
them by a tick, and is famous for the great number of 
relapses which sometimes occur in its course ; some 
unfortunate patients having as many as nine relapses. 
The best method of prevention is to avoid domestic 
vermin, which means that native huts, bedding which 
has been in the charge of a native caretaker, and old 
camping-grounds must be shunned. The mosquito net 
is some protection from ticks at night. The modern 
treatment of all relapsing fevers is by salvarsan or neo- 
salvarsan, which prevent the occurrence of relapses in 
nearly all instances. Quinine is of no value in such fevers. 
Kala-azar. Kala-azar (black fever) is a fatal disease, endemic in 
India and some parts of Africa, known since 1903 to be 
caused by a parasite named after its discoverers, Leish- 
mania donovani, which is apparently introduced into the 
human body by a variety of bug. This disease probably 
comprises many deaths which used to be thought due to 
chronic malaria. 


We must now consider another disease, sleeping sick- Sleeping 
ness, for which human trypanosomiasis is a better name. slckness - 

When man had wrested from Nature the secret of the 
microscopical origin of certain diseases and had, as in 
the case of yellow fever, malaria, and plague, succeeded in 
crowning that knowledge by his ability to conquer these 
deadly foes, it seemed almost as if he could assume power 
over all such tropical enemies and that, with energy and 
patience, he might indeed ' bid the sickness cease ', to 
open out the waste places of the earth for the industry 
of man. But we are faced with a newer problem, a scourge 
which at present defies our best endeavours and brings 
home to us the consciousness of human weakness when 
it is pitted against the vast strength of natural forces. 

When Uganda was taken over by the British East 
Africa Company it promised to be a land of plenty, and 
the administrators spared neither money nor energy in 
establishing a good rule, in the belief that the country 
would support a populous and thriving people. But in 
1901 reports reached the Foreign Office from H.M. Com- 
missioner in Uganda that a widespread and disastrous 
epidemic of sleeping sickness had broken out in Busoga, 
a district lying on the shores of Lake Albert Nyanza. 
It was then estimated that 20,000 people were already 
dead or dying of it in that district. This disease had been 
known to African travellers for 150 years, but its ravages 
had been confined to the West Coast, where it was 
endemic, and where its cause and its treatment were little 
understood. It has acquired its popular name from one 
of the most prominent symptoms of the last stage of the 
disease ; it is an infectious illness, generally of a long- 
continued, chronic nature, though occasionally it assumes 
an acute form, attacking chiefly the central nervous 

For generations the disease seemed to remain within 
well-defined limits, chiefly on the shores of lakes and rivers, 
and when it spread it did so very slowly and always on 
the West Coast. But in that sparsely populated country 
there was little inter-communication between the various 


districts, which were seldom on friendly terms with each 
other, and when a village became infected its isolation 
practically made of it a segregation camp and the disease 
was more or less arrested. But with the opening out 
of trade routes from the Congo basin and the increase of 
steamer traffic up the river and round the great lakes, 
the illness found every facility for spreading. Again, when 
Stanley recruited several hundred porters and soldiers 
and started up the Congo in 1887 on his difficult mission 
through darkest Africa for the relief of Emin Pasha, he 
unwittingly helped to convey the disease by living agents 
from infected districts to others where it had hitherto 
been unknown. When Emin had been found and brought 
to Zanzibar, a colony of imported soldiers remained behind 
in a district to the west of the Lake Albert Nyanza. 
From these soldiers a force was recruited in 1891 by 
Sir F. Lugard to import into Uganda. About 500 men, 
with their rabble of 7,000 wives, children, and followers, 
were ultimately brought to settle in Uganda and Busoga, 
and the theory is generally accepted that these settlers, 
many of whom originally came from the Congo, introduced 
the disease into this territory. By 1898 sleeping sickness 
had worked such havoc that in this district alone 200,000 
people had died of it out of a population of 300,000. 
The disaster was so appalling and the nature of the 
disease so baffled the skill of the medical authorities, that 
the Foreign Office appealed to the Royal Society to send 
out a Commission to investigate the causes of the outbreak. 
The Commission began its labours in 1902, and was joined 
later by Colonel, now Sir David, Bruce. Bruce had, seven 
years earlier, demonstrated in the most masterly manner 
the origin of nagana, a disease which infests the cattle of 
Africa, proving that it was due to trypanosomes in the 
blood of the infected animals, and that the trypanosome 
is conveyed from wild game to domestic animals by the 
bite of the tsetse fly. 
Tsetse He now succeeded in proving that the trypanosomes 

fly# which were found in the blood, neck-glands, and cerebro- 

spinal fluid of sleeping-sickness patients are the cause 


of the disease, and that a species of the tsetse-fly, the 
Glossina palpalis, is the carrier of human trypanosomiasis, 
which is closely allied to the nagana of animals. It has 
since been proved that other tsetse-flies, whose distribution 
covers almost the whole of tropical Africa, are also 
implicated as carriers of these organisms. The flies haunt 
the places where man or animals congregate near water, 
they follow native carriers for hundreds of miles, they 
travel in boats, they infest railway carriages, and although 
they feed on the blood of almost all mammals they prefer 
human blood to any other. When these pests have fed 
on a sleeping-sickness patient, they are capable, for an 
unknown period, of conveying the trypanosomes to 
healthy people. 

Drastic measures have been taken to eradicate the Measures 
scourge ; whole villages have been moved away from the ^1?^, 
water beyond the fly areas ; the shores have been cleared sickness. 
of underwood, where the flies breed, and cases of sleeping 
sickness have been diligently searched out and segregated 
in camps far removed from the haunts of the flies, while 
administrative stations have been placed along trade 
routes to check communication, whenever possible, from 
infected to non-infected areas. But here, as in all wars 
waged by the white man in the tropics for the good of 
the inhabitants, he encounters a passive resistance on 
the part of the native which constantly counteracts the 
measures laboriously carried out on his behalf. The 
African is quite apathetic about the bites of insects and 
their consequences, and he has no desire whatever to 
be helped to avoid them. 

In spite of stringent measures, conscientiously carried 
out, the result has been disappointing, and the discon- 
certing discovery has now been made that the wild game 
of Africa can be the hosts of the parasite, and thus act 
as a perpetual reservoir from which the flies can get fresh 
infective material, although the game seems never to be 
in any way affected. It has been repeatedly suggested 
that the wild game in sleeping-sickness areas should be 
destroyed as the only thorough means of ridding the 


country of a pest which is calculated to have destroyed 
far over a million people, but the British Government 
has so far been unwilling to authorize any such wholesale 
extermination of animals, which might be of future 
service to man, until it has been more satisfactorily 
proved that the game are the chief reservoir of the 

Thus every fresh discovery tends to increase the com- 
plexity of the problem. Laboratory researches have 
shown that the flies, when once they have drawn infected 
blood, may remain infective for months ; that at least 
two or three kinds of Glossina can convey the disease ; 
and now we must assume that an inexhaustible supply of 
infective material can be drawn from wild game and also 
from domestic animals, which are known to be potential 
reservoirs because they can be so easily infected by 

Several commissions and many individual workers are 
engaged in trying to solve the problems of this disease. 
Some have sacrificed their lives in the task and many 
have suffered in health, but the work continues in the 
steadfast belief that the difficulties can be mastered 
and that the solution can and will be found. 

It is encouraging to turn from a record of temporary 
failure to one of the most brilliant triumphs of modern 
Malta Malta or Mediterranean fever, which could more 

reasonably be re-christened ' goat's-milk fever ', began to 
be recognized as a clinical entity about 1859, and is now 
known to be endemic in some districts of India, China, 
Africa, America, the Philippines, and the West Indies. 
It is therefore much more widely spread than its geo- 
graphical name would signify. Patients suffering from 
this fever are often imported into Great Britain and other 
countries where the disease is otherwise unknown. 

The prolonged duration of the temperature distinguishes 
it from all other fevers, for in severe cases the pyrexia 
may last for three or four months, and the convalescence 
may not be completed for two years. Though few cases 


prove fatal, emaciation and great prostration are among 
the symptoms, and until 1905 an average of 624 of our 
soldiers and sailors were in hospital every year in Malta 
alone. About two-thirds of the officers and men had to 
be invalided to England, and the total number of days 
of illness amounted to 74,880 annually. 

Since 1908 there have been either no cases or one single 
case per annum in the naval and military hospitals of 
Malta, though the disease continues among the Maltese 
civil population, because they are unwilling to profit by 
modern knowledge. 

In 1886 Sir David Bruce discovered the parasite which 
is the true cause of the disease, but it was not until 1904 
that a Commission was appointed to undertake a thorough 
investigation of what led to this great wastage of men. 
After three years' work it was proved that the 20,000 goats 
which supplied Malta with milk were the carriers of the 
infection ; half of those examined were affected by Malta 
fever and one-tenth of them were secreting and excreting 
the parasite in their milk. Abstention from milk, or 
the thorough boiling of infected goat's milk, protects from 
the disease. 

The value of preventive medicine can, in this instance, 
be stated in commercial terms. The complete abolition 
of this one fever from the garrison of Malta, represents, 
if capitalized, an economy to the Government of about 
£1,500,000. This was achieved by the expenditure on 
research of about £5,000. 

Epidemic cerebro-spinal meningitis is an infectious Meningi 
disease caused by a parasite ; it has a high rate of mortality tis * 
and is often conveyed from one country to another. For 
instance, the disease is carried nearly every year from 
Calcutta to the West Indian colonies by coolie ships. 
The mortality since 1906 has been diminished more than 
half by the use of serum treatment. 

Sprue is well known to residents in China, India, Ceylon, Sprue, 
and other parts of Asia as a very chronic affection of the 
alimentary canal. The cause is not yet known and there- 
fore treatment is still in the empirical stage. Europeans 


improve best when they are sent to their own country, 
but even there they require very careful expert treatment 
for at least a year. 

Yaws. Yaws is an infectious and contagious eruptive disease 

of the tropics, caused by a spirochete, which was dis- 
covered in 1905. The disease may be accidentally 
inoculated and transferred from one place to another, 
such as from Fiji to Assam. The patients should therefore 
be isolated, and their unsightly sores can be cured by 

Jiggers. The jigger insect (Chigoe) has been carried by man from 

South America to West Africa, across that continent to 
the east coast, and from Mombasa to Bombay. The 
female insect burrows into the skin of the host and some- 
times causes such sores as to cripple a man or to neces- 
sitate the amputation of a toe or a leg. Prevention must 
include cleanliness of the house, adequate covering for the 
feet, and disinfection of floors, perhaps with a strong 
infusion of tobacco. 

Ophthal- Granular ophthalmia is a curse in some parts of India, 
Egypt, and South Africa, and is conveyed to healthy 
children and others chiefly by the hands and clothing 
of those whose eyelids are discharging. Flies also carry 
the disease, which leads to many complications of the 
eyes and eyelids and often produces complete blindness. 

This chapter cannot be concluded without a short 
notice of four of the principal worms which are liable to 
infest man in the tropics. 

Worm Filariasis is a term which denotes infection by any 

species of filaria leading to troublesome complications, 
of which elephantiasis or ' Barbadoes leg ' is the best 
known. In Fiji it is calculated that nearly every native 
is the subject of filariasis, due to the bites of mosquitoes. 
Those who escape elephantiasis suffer from abscesses or 
inflammation of lymphatic vessels in any part of the 
body. The epoch-making discovery of the agency of the 
mosquito has already been mentioned. 

Bilharziasis denotes the human infection with a worm 
called Schistosomum haematobium, which was discovered 



by Bilharz in Egypt in 1851. The disease is prevalent 
in many parts of Africa, and is so widespread in some 
parts of Egypt that more than half the male patients at 
the hospital are affected by it. 

The worm in its embryonic form apparently enters the 
human skin during bathing or paddling in infected pools 
or streams, and no certain method has been discovered 
for the expulsion of the worm. There are still in Britain 
166 soldiers on the pension list who contracted the disease 
more than ten years previously, during the South African 
war, though they have passed the intervening time under 
conditions which precluded the possibility of re-infection. 
Girls and women suffer to a less extent than males. 
Prevention lies in the future in the possibility of infected 
persons being educated not to pollute bathing-places. 

A similar worm, Schistosomum japonicum, has been 
known since 1904 to infect human beings in some districts 
of China and Japan. 

Ankylostomiasis is the name given to the anaemia Hook- 
caused by the presence in the small intestine of a hook- ^°™ e 
worm, Anhylostomum duodenale. It is very widely spread 
in various British possessions, and saps both childhood 
and manhood. In the Southern States of America the 
disease is usually called Uncinariasis, because a sister 
worm is chiefly prevalent there. But the symptoms caused 
by the two worms are almost identical, so that they may 
be considered together. 

Practically all countries lying between parallel 36° N. 
and 30° S. are infected. In fact, more than half the 
population of the globe lives in countries where hook- 
worm disease abounds. In some European countries the 
infection is wholly confined to mines, where the worms 
get the raised temperature and moisture on which their 
development depends. In British Guiana, Egypt, Natal, 
and the Malay States about half the population is infected, 
while on some of the tea plantations in India and Ceylon 
the infection reaches as high as 90 per cent. Acute diseases 
may strengthen a race by killing off the weakest members, 
but this is a chronic, insidious disease, of which the sufferer 


is unaware, and the whole adult population becomes 
undermined. By the importation of coolie labour from 
India the infection has been carried into many innocent 

The disease was discovered in some of the Cornwall 
mines in 1902, nine years after it had been noticed that 
some of the miners were suffering from anaemia. It was 
then impossible to trace the source of infection, for during 
those years miners had come to this locality from Mysore 
and other parts of Asia, as also from Africa, America, 
and Australia. The Cornwall outbreak ceased to be an 
industrial inconvenience when sanitary pails were pro- 
vided, which could easily be brought to the surface of the 
mines to be emptied and cleaned. No thorough attempt 
was made to stamp out the disease, though all anaemic 
miners were treated with thymol. 

It had long been known that man became infected by 
the mouth, but in 1898 Professor Looss was able to prove 
that the larvae also infect man by entering the hair 
follicles of the skin, eventually reaching his small in- 
testine. It is now considered that the skin entry is the 
more common route by which the larvae of the worm 
enter the human body. Hundreds and even thousands 
of these minute worms, about half an inch long, can be 
expelled by appropriate drugs. 

Since 1909, when Mr. Rockefeller began to finance 
a Commission to try and eradicate the hook-worm disease, 
491,000 people have been treated in some of the southern 
states of America, besides 300,000 others in Puerto Rico. 
Financial assistance from this Commission was offered in 
1913 to some of the countries outside America most 
severely infected. The important lines upon which 
administrators should work are to determine the geo- 
graphical distribution of the infection and to estimate the 
degree of infection for each area, to treat all infected 
persons, whether they are actually ill or whether they are 
but unconscious carriers of the worm (for the poor this 
treatment must obviously be gratuitous), and gradually 
to put a stop to soil pollution, for which incinerators are 


of great value. During 1912 the American Commission 
carried out this programme at a round cost of about three 
shillings for each infected person. 

With this disease, as with all others, a new era of health Conclu- 
and happiness will arise when all officials are well educated S10n ' 
in the management of health problems and when they have 
succeeded in imparting their knowledge to both British 
and native residents. 

Exigencies of space, which have had always to be borne 
in mind in writing this chapter, prevent any mention of 
some other diseases which impede civilization. When it 
becomes universally and jealously recognized that the 
health of a people is their divine birthright there will 
be no further talk of preventable diseases, for all such 
diseases will be prevented. 




By Colonel C. F. Close 

General The account which follows will in the main deal with 
tions eia " topographical maps — that is to say, those maps on com- 
paratively small scales, such as the 1 inch to 1 mile and 
smaller scales, which are in general use by the soldier, 
the administrator, the traveller, and the geographer, 
which form the graphic expression of our knowledge 
of the world's surface and are the foundation of all 
geographical studies. But at the same time it will be 
necessary in some cases to allude to maps and plans on 
much larger scales, namely those which are produced 
by the cadastral survey departments of most civilized 
states, and are used as the basis of land settlement, 
taxation, and registration, and in populous districts are 
necessary adjuncts to engineering schemes and projects 
for town-planning. The scales of these latter plans may 
vary from a few inches up to ten feet to the mile. 
Military The great variety of the physical conditions of the 
merits? various component parts of the British Empire, and the 
great differences in the methods by which these parts 
became incorporated, are reflected in the origins of the 
surveys and in their main objects and the procedure 
adopted. But one generalization holds — the small scale 
topographical maps of the Empire, with hardly an 
exception, owe their inception to military requirements ; 
the expression ' small scale topographical map ' implying 
a map which, in addition to showing the works of man in 
such detail as the scale will allow, also represents the 
natural features of the earth's surface, and indicates, by 
one device or another, the relief of the ground. 
General j$ u t although military needs produced the topographical 
ments. map, it by no means follows that its use is restricted to 



military purposes. In the domain of science, surface 
geology, or physiography, is of course dependent on such 
maps ; for the study of climatology they are essential ; 
history itself finds many of its explanations in topo- 
graphical maps ; modern administration requires them. 
They are part of the machinery of a civilized state and 
would now be produced independently of any military 
requirements. Their enlarged usefulness may be in- 
stanced by a comparison of the facts that in the year 1747 
the first official topographical maps of Great Britain were 
made as a direct consequence of the rebellion in the 
Highlands in 1745, as a military measure of precaution, 
while nowadays the only topographical maps of New 
Zealand are produced by the Geological Survey Depart- 
ment of that Dominion for purposes of geological research. 

It is clear that the chief factor which determines the 
scale of any map is the purpose for which the map is to be 
used. Thus it would be equally futile to attempt to study 
the physiography of England with the aid of 25 inch to 
1 mile Ordnance maps as it would be to try to locate 
a tramway on the International Map of the World on the 
scale of about 1 inch to 16 miles. In fact the great range 
of scale shows the great range of purpose, and the range 
of purpose is largely the result of the range of local 

The maps of the Empire will be described in the 
following order : (1) the United Kingdom ; (2) Canada ; 
(3) Australia and New Zealand ; (4) India ; (5) South 
Africa and Rhodesia ; (6) British Tropical Africa ; (7) the 
Federated Malay States ; (8) Islands of the Empire ; 
(9) British Guiana and British Honduras. 

The British Isles 
It is not within the scheme of this work to describe the Maps of 
mediaeval maps of the United Kingdom, but a few words ^JSt- 
may be said about the maps of the sixteenth, seventeenth, eenth 
and eighteenth centuries. First, then, in order of date we ct 
have the Atlas of England and Wales by Christopher 
Saxton, based on his own surveys. The dates of the 



maps range from 1574 to 1579. The maps are engraved, 
and the scale is about 3 miles to 1 inch. The hills are 
shown in profile, as in all early maps before the devices of 
shading and contouring were introduced. Early in the 
seventeenth century we have Pont's maps of Scotland ; 
Speed's maps of England, Scotland, and Ireland on 
a scale of about 3 miles to 1 inch, dated 1610 ; Hollar's 
maps of England and Wales, or the Quarter-Master's 
maps, ' The Kingdom of England and Principality of 
Wales, exactly described with every Sheere and the 
small towns in every one of them in six Mappes,' dated 
1644, scale about 5 miles to 1 inch, undoubtedly used by 
soldiers during the Civil War. 
Down But the first official maps are those of the well-known 

lreknd° ' Down ' Survey of Ireland. This survey was carried 
out under an Act of Parliament dated September 26, 1653, 
which appointed an Ordnance Commission, by virtue of 
which a settlement was made ' after the suppression of 
the late horrid rebellion in Ireland '. The object of the 
Down survey was to facilitate the distribution of forfeited 
lands among the ' adventurers ' and soldiers. The survey 
was carried out under the direction of Sir William Petty. 
The scale on which it was laid ' down ' was 1-57 inches to 
1 mile. This admirably executed work is our first official 
cadastral survey. 
First Our first official topographical survey was carried out 

topo- m ^ ne m iddle of the eighteenth century. As a result of 
graphical the difficulties experienced in suppressing the rebellion 
veys * in the Highlands in 1745 owing to the want of reliable 
maps, Lieut. -General Watson conceived the idea of making 
a military map of Scotland. This was commenced by 
order of the Duke of Cumberland, in 1747, by Captain 
(afterwards General) Roy. The scale was If inches to 
1 mile. It was completed in manuscript, and is now in 
the British Museum. Although it is in fact only an 
elaborate military sketch, it is interesting as being the 
first complete hill-shaded map of any considerable portion 
of the United Kingdom, and also as being one of the 
undoubted sources of the Ordnance Survey. 


The French and American wars delayed the institu- The 
tion of a systematic survey of the United Kingdom, but g^ve anC ° 
as a step towards this must be noted the measurement 
of a geodetic base-line at Hounslow Heath in 1784. 
Eventually, in 1791, under the authority of the Duke of 
Richmond, Master- General of the Ordnance, a military 
department, afterwards known as the Ordnance Survey, 
was formed to survey the United Kingdom on scales 
suitable for army use. A base line was measured, in 
1794, on Salisbury Plain. The first sheet of the 1 inch 
to 1 mile Ordnance map of England was printed in 

In reading the above brief account of the early maps of 
the United Kingdom, it will have been noted that much 
of the impulse which resulted in surveys and maps was 
of a military character. We now come to the considera- 
tion of other needs and maps and plans of a different 
nature. In 1823 the Irish Land Valuation Department 
pressed the Government to undertake the construction 
of a map of Ireland on a scale of 6 inches to 1 mile. This 
work was begun by the Ordnance Survey in 1825 and 
finished in 1842. In 1840 the 6-inch map of Great 
Britain was begun. After some years of indecision on 
the part of the Government, during which period there 
was much discussion as to the best scale for a cadastral 
map, i. e. a map showing property boundaries, such as 
fences, hedges, walls, and ditches, on a sufficiently large 
scale for the computation of the areas of parcels of land, 
it was decided, in accordance with a resolution of the 
International Statistical Conference held in Brussels in 
1853 (following in this matter the manuscript cadastral 
survey of France), to adopt a scale of 1/2500 (or 25-34 
inches to 1 mile) for the survey of Great Britain. In 
July 1854 approval was given for the Survey of Great 
Britain on this scale. It was completed in 1893. In 
1887 the 1/2500 Survey of Ireland was begun ; it is 
now approaching completion, and is expected to be 
finished in 1914. It should also be mentioned that in 
1855 large ' town scales ' of 1/500 and 1/1056 were 



sanctioned for the survey of towns with a population of 
more than 4,000. 

Very small scales have also been sanctioned from time 
to time, namely the \ inch to 1 mile, \ inch, T ^ inch, 
and the International scale of 1/1000000 or 15-84 miles to 
1 inch. These are, of course, based on the 1-inch map. 

Ordnance The following is a complete list of the scales of C 

scales. Maps and Plans : 

1/500 or 

126-72 inches to 1 mile 

For towns . 

1/1056 or 



55 55 

1/1250 1 or 



5) 55 

1/2500 or 



55 55 

1/10560 or 



55 55 

1/63360 or 



55 55 

1/126720 or 




55 55 

1/253440 or 




55 55 

1/633600 or 



55 55 

1/1000000 or 



55 55 

Large The large scale maps of the United Kingdom are the 

Ordnance town plans, scales 1/500 or 1/1056 ; the 25-inch maps 
maps. (strictly 1/2500 or 25-34 inches to 1 mile), and the 6-inch 
maps. The most important of these is the 25-inch map, 
which is complete for Great Britain, and is undergoing 
a second revision, and is nearly complete for Ireland. 
This map is revised every twenty years. No country in 
the world has such a complete set of large-scale cadastral 
plans as the United Kingdom. 

The 6-inch map is produced by reduction and redrawing 
from the 25-inch map. Recently it has been found that, 
for towns, every practical purpose is served as well by an 
enlargement of the 25-inch to 50-inch as by a survey on 
the 1/1056 scale. The 2 5 -inch map has thus an additional 
importance, as it is the basis of the 1/1250 plans as well 
as of the 6-inch. 

On the 25-inch plans every fence, wall, hedge, ditch, and 
stream is shown, in fact every physical division of pro- 
perty. The area of every field is marked. In a pedantic 

1 By enlargement from the 1/2500. 


sense the 25-inch plans are not cadastral plans because 
the physical and not the legal property boundaries are 
shown. But no difficulty is experienced from this cause, 
and the principle of showing the physical divisions is 
certainly sound. 

The small scale maps are the 1 inch to 1 mile, J inch, Small 
| inch, T V inch, and 1/1000000. The 1-inch map is the ordnance 
fundamental small scale map from which the others are maps. 
derived. It is itself based on the 6 -inch map. The 
1-inch map is continuously subject to revision, which 
is so arranged that editions of each sheet succeed each 
other at intervals of not more than fifteen years. It is 
at present published in two forms, the black engraved 
edition without hachures in small sheets of 12 inches by 
18 inches, and the coloured edition with brown hachured 
hills, water in blue, contours in red, woods in green, in 
large sheets of 18 inches by 27 inches for England, 
and 18 inches by 24 inches for Scotland, and in small 
sheets 18 inches by 12 inches for Ireland. This coloured 
edition was produced in accordance with the recommenda- 
tions of a War Office Committee which reported in 1892, 
so that at the moment of writing the coloured 1-inch 
map has been in existence about twenty years. Since 
1892 various modifications and improvements have been 
adopted. It is a minutely accurate map, in general easy 
to read, but is, without doubt, capable of further improve- 
ment. It is now recognized, for instance, that the 
interval of the lower contours, 100 feet, is somewhat 
large for the scale, that the interval of the contours above 
the 1,000 feet contour (which is now 250 feet) should be 
the same as that of the lower contours. Other improve- 
ments can be suggested, and these will as far as possible 
be effected after the completion of the second edition, as 
successive sheets of the third edition appear. 

The excellent J-inch maps of Mr. Bartholomew (reduced Thei-incb 
from the Ordnance 1-inch) were found so useful to the map * 
Army for training and manoeuvres, that it was decided, 
after many years of discussion, that an official series 
on the same scale should be produced. The principal 


edition of this map is a ' layer ' map — that is, successive 
altitudes above sea-level are indicated by a series of tints, 
green in the low lands, then buff, and finally warm brown 
for the high hills. The maps of Great Britain published 
on this scale form at present only a preliminary edition. 
The final edition will differ from the early one in being 
engraved instead of zincographed, and in having a gener- 
ally lighter system of tints, and a revised system of road 
The Inter- Of the International Map of the World, on the scale of 

Map! nal V 1000000 ' or 15 * 84 miles t0 1 inch > two sheets of Scotland 
have been published ; sheets of England are in course 
of publication. One sheet of the North of France, 
including a portion of the south-east of England, has been 
published by the French Service Geographique de l'Armee. 
In the opinion of the present writer the systems of projec- 
tion, conventional signs and colouring laid down by the 
International Committee of 1909 are very suitable. The 
International Map, as time goes on, and as year by year 
more sheets are produced by countries all over the world, 
will take its position as the standard map for general 
purposes of reference and study when large regions are 
dealt with. 


Varying The vast area of the Dominion of Canada, its abundant 
mentTin resources, the great variety of conditions which it embraces, 
different an( j its future inevitable greatness, make the study of 


its maps of exceptional interest and importance. The 
provinces from east to west — Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, 
Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and 
British Columbia — have sometimes been grouped into 
regions described, by their chief characteristics, as the 
commercial and mineral region, the wheat-growing region 
and the mountainous region. The mapping of these 
different regions has varied with their requirements. 
Thus the existing modern maps of Canada owe their origin 
to different needs and are in consequence of different types. 
For instance, in Ontario and Quebec the most perfect 


topographical maps are those called into existence by 
military requirements, and are produced by the Militia 
Department. In the great central area the prime neces- 
sity is the allotment of land, the settlement of the popula- 
tion and the laying out of townships, and this has resulted 
in the production of ' Sectional Maps ', i.e. maps of an 
open character, showing chiefly the subdivisions of the 
land ; these maps are produced by the Surveyor-General 
under the Department of the Interior. Then, again, the 
requirements of the Geological Survey have resulted in 
the production of geological maps of various kinds 
throughout the breadth of the Dominion. Then we have 
railway surveys galore, Boundary Commission surveys, 
Public Works surveys, and lake surveys, and work of 
a true exploratory type in the north. Finally, to a love 
of adventure, combined with that necessary accompani- 
ment of all scientific progress, namely, curiosity, and 
certain practical objects, we chiefly owe the detailed maps 
of portions of the Canadian Alpine region. A whole 
book would be necessary to give at all an adequate 
account of these many activities ; it is therefore necessary 
to concentrate the attention upon those maps on which 
our existing detailed knowledge of the surface features of 
Southern Canada mainly depends. The maps in question 
are those published by the Department of Militia and 
Defence, those published by the Department of the 
Interior, and the special surveys by various agencies of 
the mountainous regions of the west. 

In 1904 the Militia Department commenced the survey Topo- 
of the provinces of Quebec and Ontario on the scale of surveys 
1 inch to 1 mile. 1 This work has been prosecuted sys- b y the 
tematically, and, at the moment of writing, an area of Depart- 
about 25,000 square miles has been surveyed in the field. ment - 
About half this area is already published, and the remainder 
will be published shortly. Each 1-inch sheet covers an 
area £° of latitude by J° of longitude. The sheets are 

1 A small beginning was made in 1892, when a number of sketches were 
made by a party of cadets from the Royal Military College, Kingston. 
This material is not incorporated in the new map. 


printed in colours, water in blue, brick and masonry houses 
in red, woods in green, contours in brown. They are 
excellent specimens of cartography, and all geographers 
are indebted to the Militia Department for their pro- 
duction. The area surveyed at present covers two 
blocks, one extending roughly from Montreal to Lake 
Ontario, and the other from the northern shore of Lake 
Erie inland for some fifty miles. Eventually, of course, 
the blocks will join and a continuous area of topo- 
graphical survey will cover the two provinces. The 
work was originally authorized by Sir F. Borden, then 
Minister of Militia, and was organized and systematized 
by Major Anderson, R.C.E., Assistant Director of Military 
Surveys. A series of J inch to 1 mile maps, reduced from 
the 1-inch maps, is being prepared. These are printed on 
the 'layer' system, i.e. successive altitudes are repre- 
sented by flat tints of colour. 1 
Surveys The extensive surveys of the Department of the 
Se ^rt- Surveyor-General of Dominion Lands will be considered, 
ment not in their economic, legal, and technical aspects, but 
Interior, only with reference to the character of the small scale 
maps which are, as it were, by-products of the surveys. 
These small scale maps, which are mainly skeleton maps, 
are at present the authoritative maps for the greater 
part of Canada. Before describing the maps, however, it 
will be as well to indicate the system adopted for dividing 
up the country. Broadly speaking, the country is divided 
into a series of quasi-rectangular blocks by parallels and 
lines joining similar points along parallels. The east-west 
boundary lines follow chords of parallels. Let us take the 
large area from 95° W. longitude (Lake-of-the-Woods) to 
120° W. (centre of the Rockies). The ' first ' meridian 
adopted for purposes of this system of division is a little 
to the west of Winnipeg ; the second, third, fourth, fifth, 
and sixth meridians are the meridians 102°, 106°, 110°, 

1 Further information on the subject of the 1-inch and |-inch topo- 
graphical maps published by the Militia Department can be obtained, in 
Canada from the Assistant Director of Surveys, Militia Department, Ottawa, 
and in London from the Geographical Section, General Staff, War Office. 
The maps are on sale at the usual agents. 


114°, 118°, west of Greenwich. Along the meridians 
above mentioned, intervals of 6 miles are marked, and 
along the parallels drawn through these points the corner 
points of townships are marked. Each block of about 
6 miles by 6 miles is a township. On account of the 
convergence of the meridians adjustments have to be 
made, but a glance at the published diagrams will explain 
the matter better than pages of description. 

The surveys are published in the form of ' Sectional 
Maps ' on the scale of 3 miles to 1 inch. Each sectional 
map covers an area 48 miles in latitude by two degrees 
of longitude. Taking the Regina sheet as a specimen, 
this is 48 miles north to south, and about 84 miles east to 
west, i.e. it represents an area of over 4,000 square miles. 
The diagram exhibiting the incidence of this group of 
' Sectional Maps ' shows 169 ' Sectional Maps ', of which some 
80 are published, covering an area of over 300,000 square 
miles. The ' Sectional Maps ' themselves show the divisions 
into townships, which are again divided into squares of one 
mile side. They show towns, lakes, rivers, railways, rail- 
way stations, and trails. They are printed in black. The 
ground features are roughly indicated by hachures. 

The next smaller scale maps are those called the 
1 Standard topographical maps ' on scales of 1/500000 
and 1/250000, i.e. about 8 miles and 4 miles to 1 inch 
respectively. Twenty of these maps have been published 
of portions of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Quebec, and 
Ontario. They are not specially surveyed, but are com- 
piled by the Dominion Geographer from such material 
as is available. They are a useful preliminary series. 
The name might perhaps mislead those who have not 
seen them into supposing that they are topographical maps 
in the ordinary sense. They show the main rivers, lakes, 
railways, towns, and the territorial divisions and sub- 
divisions, but no attempt is made to indicate the hill 
features. To say this is not to decry the series, which is 
a most useful compilation, but one which, from the nature 
of the case, will be gradually superseded for geographical, 
military, and certain economic purposes. 


The Topographical surveys of large blocks of country in the 

SSaous Alpine region have been carried out from time to time 
region. during the last quarter of a century. The blocks surveyed 
are for the most part within 50 miles of the various lines 
of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and are all included 
in the quadrilateral 49° to 53° N. lat., and 114° to 122° W. 
long., a space 4 degrees in latitude by 8 degrees in 
longitude, covering 90,000 square miles. But less than 
half of this quadrilateral has actually been surveyed. 
The incidence of the published sheets is best studied on 
a diagram. Some of this work is exceptionally interesting, 
notably the photo -topographic survey of part of the 
Rocky Mountains which was carried out under the direc- 
tion of Mr. E. Deville, the Surveyor-General, between 
1888 and 1892. During these five years about 2,000 
square miles were surveyed by Mr. J. J. Mc Arthur and 
published on the 1/40000 scale. It is a classical instance 
of the value of photo-topography in suitable conditions, 
namely, for a map on a fairly large scale, of a country with 
bold, well-marked, natural features, largely difficult of 
access, with a short working season. 

Another important series of maps is that compiled by 
the Geological Survey of Canada under the direction of 
Dr. G. M. Dawson in 1888. The field work was mainly 
done by Mr. J. McEvoy. Three sheets, showing an area 
of about 20,000 square miles, were published on a scale 
of 4 miles to 1 inch, and cover the Kootenay and Shuswap 
Lake region and the 6,000 square miles of which Ashcroft 
is the approximate centre. 

A splendid survey of the Selkirk Range adjacent to the 
Canadian Pacific Railway was executed in 1901-2 by 
Messrs. A. 0. Wheeler, H. G. Wheeler, and M. P. Bridgland 
under the direction of Mr. E. Deville, Surveyor-General. 
This is published in colours in four admirably printed 
sheets on the scale of 1/60000. Here again photographic 
methods were successfully employed. About 1,400 square 
miles of country were surveyed, many of the peaks in this 
area being over 10,000 feet above sea-level. 

Two useful sheets covering an area of about 2,000 


square miles in the Rocky Mountains in the neighbourhood 
of the railway near Banff were published in 1902 by 
Mr. J. White, Geographer, on the scale of 2 miles to 1 inch. 
There should also be mentioned a sketch-map of the 
Canadian Rocky Mountains, scale 1/500000, by Dr. J. 
Norman Collie, with corrections published in 1911 by 
Dr. A. P. Coleman. The limits of this map are about 
51° and 52° 30' N. lat., and 116° and 118° W. long. 

The above brief account deals with what are perhaps 
the more important of the modern maps of the Rocky 
Mountains and the Selkirk Range, but there are in addition 
many special railway, geological, and exploration maps. 
It will be noticed that the maps are on very varied scales, 
and in some cases overlap, and that even in the quadri- 
lateral mentioned there are many large blanks . A detailed 
monograph on the state of the surveys and explorations 
is much to be desired, but it could only be written ade- 
quately by a geographer personally acquainted with this 
interesting region. 1 

Before closing this sketch of the mapping of Canada Boun- 
it is necessary to mention the Boundary Commission QQ^ mis . 
Surveys, (a) along the 141st meridian from Mount St. Elias sion 
to the Arctic Ocean, (b) the coast strip of Alaska, (c) the urveys * 
49th parallel from the Gulf of Georgia to the Lake-of-the- 
Woods, (d) sections of the international boundary from 
St. Lawrence River eastward. 2 

1 For further information the reader may be referred to The Selkirk 
Mange, by A. O. Wheeler (Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa), and 
The Canadian Rockies, by A. P. Coleman, Ph.D., F.Pv.S. (Fisher Unwin, 

2 The operations of the Geodetic Survey, under the direction of Dr. King, 
the chief astronomer, comprise the primary triangulation and precise 
levelling. The purpose of this survey is the establishment, with all possible 
accuracy, of the geographical co-ordinates of points which shall serve as 
a basis for surveys of all kinds, and thus avoid duplication by different 
departments. Astronomical determinations of a high degree of precision 
arc made of the positions of places at present not reached by the Geodetic 
Survey. More than 200 stations have been so fixed, widely spread over 
Canada. This survey will make itself felt — indeed, will become indispens- 
able — in the mapping operations of the future. 



The writer of this account of the mapping of the Empire 
has been fortunate enough to have had a share in the 
work of surveying Great Britain, South Africa, tropical 
Africa, and India, and has had the privilege of discussing 
with Canadian officers the various problems which con- 
front the surveyor in the Dominion. But he has had no 
opportunity of acquiring any exact personal knowledge 
of the surveys of Australia, beyond what is obtainable in 
certain of the public offices in London and in the records 
of the Royal Geographical Society. The brief account 
which follows is therefore to be looked upon only as 
an outline of the information available in London. It is 
understood, however, that Mr. Scrivener, the Federal 
Surveyor-General, will shortly publish a report on the 
surveys of the Commonwealth which will be an authori- 
tative account of the mapping of the island-continent. 
Considera- Three conditions must be realized in considering 
tl ° ns . Australian maps : first, that the main object of the work 
Austra- of the Surveyor- General's department of each State is 
p?ncr maP " ^ ne ma khig of land surveys and the marking of boundaries 
secondly, that the security which Australia has hitherto 
enjoyed has until recently prevented the need of military 
maps being felt ; and thirdly, that the union of the States 
in the Commonwealth is of recent date. It follows that 
topographical maps in the strict sense hardly exist, and 
that there is no developed scheme of survey, geodetic, 
cadastral, and topographical. On the other hand, the 
professional land surveyors are a skilled body of men, and 
the land surveys are highly specialized and adequate for 
their main objects. 
New A list of the modern maps of New South Wales contains 

Wales general maps on scales of 32 and 48 miles to 1 inch, special 
maps on the scale of 16 miles to 1 inch showing railways, 
postal organization, pastoral holdings, travelling stock 
routes, artesian bores, rabbit-proof fencing, and state 
electorates. Coming to larger scales we find maps of Land 


Board Districts, on the scale of 8 miles to 1 inch, showing 
Divisional, Land District, County and Parish boundaries, 
and railways, printed in black, and published by the 
Department of Lands, Sydney. But perhaps the most 
important series is the series of County maps on the scale 
of 2 miles to 1 inch, published by the same department. 
These maps, which are printed in black, show county, 
district, and parish boundaries, roads and tracks, rivers, 
lakes, and creeks, but their main intention is to show 
property boundaries ; each county map of this series is, 
in fact, a property index, but it also contains much infor- 
mation of a general topographical character, the hill 
features, however, being either not shown or only conven- 
tionally indicated. The same department publishes parish 
maps on various large scales (2 inches, 4 inches, and 8 
inches to 1 mile), and certain special maps. The Public 
Works Department issues various maps, and H. E. C. 
Robinson publishes a great variety of maps ranging from 
a map of Australia on a scale of 50 miles to 1 inch to detail 
plans of Sydney on a scale of 40 inches to 1 mile. 

For Victoria we have a similar series of parish maps Victoria 
of 10 and 20 chains to the inch (out of 1,980 parishes about 
three-quarters have been published), and a series of county 
maps on the scale of 2 miles to 1 inch. Each county is 
represented on one or two lithographed sheets, which 
vary in size. The maps show surveyed allotments, town- 
ships, villages, railways, roads, rivers, creeks. The sheets, 
of which there are 37, are constantly under revision. 
The series of maps entitled the Geodetic Survey of 
Australia, on the same scale as the above, is engraved on 
copper. There are 55 of these sheets^ and about one- 
third are published. 

The best general map of Victoria is that published in 
1905 by the Surveyor-General on the scale of 8 miles to 
1 inch, in four sheets, engraved on copper. Based on 
this is the Geological map, published by the Director of 
Geological Surveys, which shows the chief geological fea- 
tures in fourteen shades of colour. There are also large 
scale geological maps. 






note on 
the maps 
of Aus- 


Of South Australia there are the county plans on the 
scale of 2 miles to 1 inch (19 out of 46 are at present 
published) ; an 8-mile map of the State in 15 sheets, litho- 
graphed in black ; ' hundred ' sheets on the 1-inch scale 
(most of the 390 are published), and other maps. 

Of Queensland there are county maps, 2 miles to 1 inch, 
and a series of 4-mile sheets, and one or two maps on very 
small scales. 

Of Western Australia, 1-inch maps of the settled por- 
tions of the South-west Division, 2-inch maps of the closer 
settled portions, 3-mile maps in 26 sheets of the South- 
west region, and 3|-mile maps of settled portions of the 
State, and maps on smaller scales are published by the 
Department of Lands, and a 10-mile goldfield map 
published by the Department of Mines. 

In short, maps of the continent of Australia, printed 
generally in black, showing boundaries and property 
divisions, railways and roads, rivers and lakes, exist of 
very large areas. In particular the county maps on the 
scale of 2 miles to 1 inch, which cover such large portions 
of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, and 
Queensland, form the geographer's raw material for these 
States, while for general purposes maps are published by 
each Surveyor-General on small scales, and geological 
maps are issued by the directors of the State Geological 

But topographical maps — that is, maps showing the 
surface features of the land in addition to the natural 
features — practically do not exist. The geographer and 
the man of science, the soldier and the traveller, must 
wait ; but there can be little doubt that before long topo- 
graphical maps will be constructed by the Commonwealth 

The state of the mapping of Tasmania is generally 
similar to that described above. There is a general map 
of the island, on a scale of 8 miles to an inch, engraved, 
printed in black, with hill features roughly indicated. 
There are also a map on the 5-mile scale, in four 
sheets, published in 1883, but, in spite of corrections, 


somewhat inaccurate and out of date ; county charts on 
the 1-inch and ^-inch scales, 70 in number, covering 
nearly the whole country ; various town plans ; and a 
geological map, 15 miles to the inch, in seven colours, a new 
edition of which is in course of preparation. 

New Zealand 

In New Zealand the same general conditions obtain as 
in Australia as regards mapping. There is a general map, 
10 miles to 1 inch, in 8 sheets ; a reduction of this, 16 
miles to 1 inch, in 2 sheets ; a map on a scale of 8 miles 
to 1 inch in 9 sheets ; provincial district maps, 4 miles to 
I inch, in two colours ; and county plans on the scale of 
1 inch to 1 mile, a series now in progress, generally similar 
to the county maps of Australia, i.e. each county plan is 
essentially a boundary and property index. All these are 
published by the Surveyor- General. But, in addition, in 
the South Island, the Geological Survey Department has 
published certain topographical maps on the scale of 
1 inch to 1 mile. These are based on data obtained 
from the Lands and Survey Department with additions 
by the Geological Survey. The hills are shown by chalk 
shading, the streams, crests and ridges are clearly marked, 
the heights of important features are shown, and though 
not provided with contours or form-lines, a very fair idea 
of the orography can be obtained from a study of these 

India x 

The Survey of India had its origin in the early wars Early 
of Clive. Although before this period there had been surveyi 
detached surveys, in 1763 Major James Rennell, the 
celebrated geographer, an officer who served under Clive, 
was appointed Surveyor-General of Bengal. Rennell's 
work depended entirely on route traverses, distances 
being chained and checked by astronomical observations. 
He is said to have brought this class of work to a high 

1 This section has been for the most part contributed by Major H. L. 
Crosthwait of the Survey of India. 
1321-6 Y 


state of perfection, as indeed a comparison of his maps 
with present-day surveys testifies. He extended his 
operations over the whole of Bengal, and as far west as 
Agra. The scale of his Atlas of Bengal, published first 
in 1779, is 1 inch to 5 miles. This interesting atlas has 
lately been reproduced in the Survey of India offices in 
Calcutta. After Rennell's retirement in 1776 x the work 
of route surveys still continued with vigour, and was 
extended into all parts of the country which had been 
conquered, surveyors accompanying every army in the 
field. Numerous observations for latitude by meridian 
altitudes of stars, and for longitude by the immersion of 
Jupiter's satellites, were undertaken. But the close of 
the eighteenth century saw the end of the first period, or 
period of route surveys in India. 
Early As Rennell had been the father of Indian geography, 

latiorf 1 so Colonel Lambton was the father of Indian geodesy, and 
the originator, in India, of the true foundation on which 
a topographical superstructure should rest. It was not 
until the end of the eighteenth century that triangulation 
was recognized as the true basis for accurate mapping. 
Our Indian possessions had now grown so much in extent 
that methods which were passable where comparatively 
small areas were concerned, became inaccurate when 
applied to a great country. It was Lambton who first 
pointed this out, and it was largely through the influence 
of Colonel Sir Arthur Wellesley, afterwards the Duke of 
Wellington, at that time commanding Lambton's 33rd 
Regiment, that his suggestions were carried into practice. 
His scheme was to cover the country with a network of 
triangles, thereby providing a series of points, fixed with 
the greatest possible accuracy, which should not only serve 
as a basis for topographical maps, but also act as a means 
for affording data to determine the shape and size of the 
earth. Lambton, after much difficulty, secured the 

1 In 1783 Rennell brought out the first approximately correct map of 
India, published in London. D'Anville's map had already been published 
in London in 1754, but from lack of material it had little pretensions to 

INDIA 323 

necessary instruments and began work x in 1802 by the 
measurement of a base-line at Madras. He used a 36-inch 
theodolite for triangulation, and a zenith sector for 
determining astronomical latitudes. The Madras Observa- 
tory was selected as the origin of the survey, and the 
determination of its elements at once became a matter 
of first importance. Owing to the difficulty of ascertaining 
longitude before the introduction of telegraphs, various 
values have been assigned from time to time to the 
longitude of Madras. 2 

Triangulation was soon carried across the Peninsula in 
about the latitude of Madras, and provided the first test 
of the accuracy of maps based on the older methods of 
traversing. It was found that the true distance from sea 
to sea was forty miles less than had been previously 

This was a complete vindication for the triangulation Modem 
method, which at first was not looked on with favour by i"tiof. U " 
the earlier surveyors. Though Lambton's method of 
triangulation was a great advance on that of Rennell, his 
network system introduced certain technical difficulties. 
It was not easy to adjust those errors of observation, and 
of instruments, to which all human endeavours are 
susceptible ; nor, indeed, was it necessary to cover the 
whole country with points fixed with such great accuracy, 
involving an inordinate expenditure of time and money. 
It was left to Sir George Everest, who had been Lambton's 
assistant, and succeeded him on his death in 1823, to 
devise a system which obviated these drawbacks. He 
conceived the idea of superseding the network triangula- 
tion by meridional and longitudinal chains of triangles, 
which covered the country in the form of a gridiron. They 
follow selected meridians and parallels of latitude enclosing 
quadrilateral figures. The central spaces thus formed 

1 On the 10th of April, 1802, from which date the present survey- 
began. It was not until 1818, however, that Lambton's position was 
officially recognized, when he was appointed the first superintendent, 
Trigonometrical Surveys. 

2 For the latest value see Report on Recent Determination of Longitude of 
Madras, by Captain S. G. Burrard, R.E., 1897. 

Y 2 


were left to be filled up by secondary and tertiary triangu- 
lation, or traverses, based on the primary work, in order 
to provide sufficient points for the plane-tabler who 
constructs the detailed map. Ten bases have now been 
measured with the Colby compensated bars in different 
parts of India, and the primary triangulation was com- 
pleted in India proper with either 36-inch or 24-inch 

In recent years a series has been pushed through 
Baluchistan to the Persian frontier, and Burma is being 
covered in a manner similar to India. Work is being 
carried up to Gilgit to effect a junction with the Russian 
triangulation in the Pamirs. Owing to the great increase 
of accuracy in the graduation of instruments, all work, 
of late years, has been carried out with 12-inch theodo- 
lites, and is of a very high order. The base-lines for the 
control of the triangulation will in future be measured 
with invar wires. 
Gravi- With a view to further determining the figure and 

survey. constitution of the earth, supplementary observations 
have been made to ascertain the changes in gravity as 
regards both magnitude and direction. For this purpose 
astronomical observations for latitude and azimuth have 
been made at a very large number of stations fairly well 
distributed over India, which is also covered with a 
network of arcs of longitude, determined by the inter- 
change of telegraphic signals, while the force of gravity 
has been determined at a certain number of selected 
stations by means of the half -seconds pendulum. This 
work is being carried on in the Ganges Valley. These 
observations have led to the discovery of curious anomalies 
in the distribution of local attraction. 1 
Tidal, Tidal observations have performed the double function 

and mul- °^ P rov iding a datum for levelling operations of precision, 
netic ope- by the determination of mean sea-level, and of providing 
ra ions. a basis for the construction of tide-tables for shipping on 
the Indian coasts. In these the time of high and low 
water, and the height to which they will rise, is predicted 

1 For details see Survey of India Professional Papers, No. 10 and No. 12. 

INDIA 325 

a year in advance. The observations have also been used 
to investigate local changes of level between sea and land, 
and other scientific questions connected with the rigidity 
of the earth, and variation of latitude. Self -registering 
tide-gauges have been at work along the coast at intervals 
since 1873. In all, at forty-two ports there have been obser- 
vations, from which tide-tables are published for forty ports 
annually. At present nine tide-gauges are working. For an 
exact determination of heights, lines of precise spirit-level- 
ling have been run all over India, starting from, and closing 
at, the mean sea-level of the various tide-gauges. This 
network has been adjusted, the orthometric and dynamic 
heights of the various bench-marks published. The bench- 
marks provided by these lines of levels form the standard 
of reference for engineering works throughout the country. 
A preliminary magnetic survey, controlled by five base 
stations, has been made over India and Burma. 1 

The system of breaking down the great primary Topo- 
triangles of the gridiron, and filling in the centre spaces §rap y ' 
of the quadrilaterals by means of a network of secondary 
and tertiary triangles, thus providing sufficient points for 
detail surveys, has already been alluded to. In flat 
country traversing has to be resorted to, but in each case 
the necessary points are provided by basing the work on 
the primary triangulation. This class of work is usually 
carried out by small theodolites. To Colonel Colin 
Mackenzie is due the credit of placing the topographical 
surveys on a sound basis, using triangulation as a founda- 
tion. (Triangulation was applied to topographical 
surveying in England, for the first time, in the year 
1791.) This work he began in Mysore, early in the last 
century. From that time onwards the surveys have 
constantly progressed, until the whole of India has been 

1 See further the General Reports of the Survey of India ; the account 
of the operations of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India (base-line — 
vol. i; triangulation — vols, ii, iii, iv, iva, vi, vii, viii, xii, xiii, xiv, and 
azimuths ; latitude observations — vols, xi, xviii ; longitudes, arcs — 
vols, ix, x, xv, xvii ; pendulums — vol. v ; tidal operations — vol. xvi ; 
levelling operations — vols, xix, xixa, xixb); Professional Papers, Survey of 


surveyed on one scale or another. As a rule the field 
scale has been 1 inch to 1 mile, but considerable areas 
have also been executed on a scale of 2 inches to 1 mile. 
Of Hyderabad State there only exists a geographical 
reconnaissance, and in Madras there are no Survey of 
India maps except the J-inch atlas sheets of India com- 
piled from various sources. 

The detailed field work is carried out by means of 
a simply constructed plane-table x (30 by 24 inches) and 
sight rule, instruments which are admirably suited to the 
Indian surveyors. When points are visible the method 
of fixing by resection is employed and the surveyor need 
do no chaining, except in flat and enclosed country. In 
the earlier work hill features were shown by hachuring, 
or form-lines, but now contours, at approximately 50-feet 
intervals, are inserted on the standard 1-inch maps by 
means of a special clinometer. The introduction of this 
clinometer, about 1883, known as the Survey of India 
pattern, marked an epoch in the topographical delineation 
of hills. On smaller scale maps, where the intervals 
between contours are larger, they have been supplemented 
by hill shading. The field work is carried on during the 
six cold- weather months, from which the resulting maps 
are drawn in the ensuing hot weather. The scale of fair 
drawing is such as to admit of a reduction of one-third on 
The older With the exception of certain Native States and Madras, 
aaps ' maps of nearly the whole of India have been published 
on a scale of 1 inch to 1 mile, and of the whole of India, 
in atlas sheet form, on the scale of 1 inch to 4 miles. 
Some of these sheets are very old and far behind the 
standard of modern maps. This arises from the fact that 
there has been in the past little fixity of policy as regards 
topographical surveys, and no provision had been made 
for systematic revision. 
Survey In 1904 the Government appointed a committee to 

teef investigate the whole question. Acting mainly on the 

1 The plane-table was first used in India by Colonel Mackenzie, and the 
present Indian pattern was devised by Captain D. Robinson in 1860. 

INDIA 327 

recommendations of this committee, the Government of 
India have laid down the following topographical pro- 
gramme : 

1. The preparation of a modern map of India on 
a scale of 1 inch to 1 mile, according to a definite pro- 
gramme, the whole work to be completed in 25 years. 

2. The Atlas of India to be superseded by degree 
sheets on a scale of 1 inch to 4 miles, to be engraved on 

3. A general Map of India to be engraved on a scale 
of 1/1000000. This map differs from the International 
Series, but a series on the International plan will also be 

The state of the mapping of India before the adoption General 
of the report of the 1904 committee may be summarized themaps 
thus. Maps on the scale of J inch to 1 mile existed, in of India, 
one form or another, of the whole of India. Over large 
areas also maps on the scale of 1 inch to 1 mile were avail- 
able. In addition to these, considerable areas had been 
surveyed for forest administrative purposes on the scale 
of 4 inches to 1 mile. Many provincial maps on the 
y ¥ inch to 1 mile scale had been published, and of course 
there were general maps on smaller scales. The new 
programme has been outlined above. It does not 
appear probable that this programme will be carried 
through without material modification. It may be 
stated with confidence that unless the strength of the 
Survey of India is considerably increased, it will be 
impossible to carry out the 1-inch survey of the whole of 
India in twenty-five years, reckoning from 1905. A more 
probable period is fifty years. Then the value of the 1-inch 
scale has been seriously called in question. Over immense 
regions the scale is without doubt too large. An alteration 
in the programme appears almost inevitable. However 
that may be, many features of the programme call for 
praise. It is the first thoroughly systematic scheme 
embracing the whole of the Indian Empire of nearly two 
million square miles. The whole of India is divided, 
under this scheme, into areas 4 degrees square, represented 


on sheets on the scale of 1/1000000. Each of these again 
includes sixteen sheets on the scale of i inch to 1 mile, 
and each of these includes sixteen sheets on the scale of 
1 inch to 1 mile. 

The 1-inch sheets are printed in five colours, red for 
roads and sites, blue for water, brown for contours, green 
for jungle, and black for other detail and lettering. They 
are a great improvement on any 1-inch maps previously 
produced in India. Over 600 of these new sheets have 
been published, representing an area of about 150,000 
square miles. 

South Africa 

Most readers will remember the difficulties experienced 
by the Army in the South African war on account of the 
want of topographical maps. On the outbreak of war 
there were practically no reliable detailed maps of the 
sub-continent. In fact the only topographical maps 
were those made in 1892 of the small triangle of Natal, 
north of Ladysmith. If this survey had been extended 
to the south of Ladysmith, the history of the war in 
Natal might have been largely altered. The maps used 
during the war were compiled mainly from farm surveys. 
There were three principal series, Jeppe's series, the Wood 
and Ortlepp series, and the series compiled gradually, 
during the campaign, by Colonel H. M. Jackson. 
State of In dealing with the actual state of the surveys of South 
African Africa, it is first of all necessary to divide these surveys 
surveys, into two distinct classes ; the one topographical, due 
entirely to military agency, and the other cadastral, due 
entirely to civil necessities. The topographical maps, 
though valuable for many administrative and scientific 
purposes, owe their production to the Geographical 
Section of the General Staff of the Army. The cadastral 
maps, which existed in all the present provinces of the 
Union long before the war, are the necessary adjuncts of 
the system of property registration. Each farm is 
surveyed independently, each has its number, and the 
farm plan and title are preserved in the offices of the 


surveyors-general of the provinces. From the nature of 
the case, the farm plans do not attempt to indicate topo- 
graphical detail in any but the roughest way. 

And now it is necessary to mention a curious and 
unusual feature of the surveys of South Africa, namely 
the prosecution of the great framework of the geodetic 
triangulation long before use was made of it for any prac- 
tical purpose. To say this is not to cast any doubt on 
the value of this work, which will abundantly justify 
itself. But the fact remains that the great scheme of 
Sir David Gill, the triangulation which was ably executed 
by Sir William Morris between the years 1882 and 1893, 
in the Cape Colony and Natal, was not made use of for 
mapping purposes before the war. Since then the work 
has been completed and now covers the Transvaal, the 
Orange Free State and Basutoland, and a long arm of 
triangles is thrust northward until it almost reaches Lake 

The topographical surveys of South Africa date from Orange 
the year 1905. In this year the Geographical Section of St r ^ e 
the General Staff commenced the survey of the Orange 
Free State on the scale of 1/125000. The work was for 
three years in charge of Captain L. C. Jackson, and after- 
wards in that of Captain H. Winterbotham, who com- 
pleted it. It was entirely carried out by the Colonial 
Survey Section, Royal Engineers, under the above- 
mentioned officers. The area of the Orange Free State 
is 52,000 square miles (almost the size of England), and the 
field work of the survey was completed in five and a half 
years at a cost of £18,500, of which the colony contributed 
half. There is no instance of a topographical survey more 
expeditiously or cheaply carried out, or more efficiently 
organized. Owing to unavoidable circumstances, which 
need not here be entered into, some delay has occurred 
in issuing the published maps, but these are being pushed 
on, and the Free State will shortly possess a really excellent 
and complete series of maps. 

In the Province of the Cape of Good Hope a different Cape 
organization was adopted. Special officers were selected Provmce - 


by the Geographical Section of the General Staff, and 
surveyed the country sheet by sheet on the scale (eventu- 
ally) of 1/250000 or about 4 miles to 1 inch. The authority 
for this survey expired in November 1911, and the work 
then ceased, but during this period an area of more than 
100,000 square miles had been surveyed. The work, 
though not of the precision of the Orange Free State 
survey, is good and reliable, and forms a broad belt, nearly 
300 miles deep, south of latitude 28° S. Eighteen sheets 
have been published. Many officers took part in this 
work ; those in charge at different periods were Captains 
Hunter, Evans, Gordon, and Hopkins. 
Basuto- Basutoland was geographically surveyed during the 
land " years 1906 to 1911 by Captain M. C. Dobson, who mapped 
the country single-handed. This survey is published by 
the Geographical Section, General Staff, in four sheets on 
the scale of 1/250000. 

A manoeuvre area of about 10,000 square miles has been 
surveyed in the south of the Transvaal, but the work is 
not yet published. 

The modern topographical surveys of South Africa thus 
cover the whole of the Orange Free State, the whole of 
Basutoland, more than 100,000 square miles of the Cape 
of Good Hope, and a small area in the Transvaal, the total 
area surveyed being about 170,000 square miles. Maps 
are available of Basutoland and of about 50,000 square 
miles of the Cape of Good Hope, and the reproduction of 
the rest is being proceeded with. The War Office has 
done its part, and the execution of any further surveys in 
the field will necessarily be for the consideration of the 
Union Government. In those portions of the Union 
where topographical surveys have not been carried out, 
Natal, namely, Natal, the South of the Cape, and the greater 
Transvaal. p ar £ f ^he Transvaal, the geographer must content him- 
self with maps compiled from farm plans. These have all 
the well-known defects of such compilations, but they 
give the farm and town sites and certain other informa- 
tion ; they are of course very unreliable as regards hill 
features. On the whole, though there is much still to be 


done, South Africa may congratulate itself on the state 
of its surveys. It has a fine geodetic triangulation cover- 
ing the whole country, it has excellent topographical 
surveys of the Orange Free State, of Basutoland, and of 
half of the Cape of Good Hope, and it has also a system 
of land registration and farm surveys well suited to the 
needs of the country. 


The mapping of Rhodesia is still in an early stage of 
development, although a single chain of first-class triangu- 
lation stretches through it from the Transvaal border to 
within seventy miles of Lake Tanganyika. So far as con- 
cerns Southern Rhodesia the best available maps are those 
compiled in the office of the Surveyor-General, reproduced 
by the Geographical Section of the General Staff, and 
published in 1910 in seven sheets on the scale of 1/500000 
(about 8 miles to 1 inch). These sheets, which are 
dependent mainly on a compilation of farm surveys, are, 
from the nature of the case, of a provisional character 
only. Of North-east Rhodesia the most reliable map 
is that compiled by Mr. 0. L. Beringer on the 1/1000000 
scale, published in 1907 by Mr. E. Stanford for the 
British South Africa Company. This is based on infor- 
mation collected and surveys made by the Survey 
Department of North-east Rhodesia. The maps of 
North-west Rhodesia are of a still rougher description ; in 
fact this country is still in the exploratory stage. They 
consist of a map of the ' Barotze Kingdom ' by Major 
Goold Adams, 1897, scale 1/2000000, published by the 
War Office ; and of three maps published by the Royal 
Geographical Society on the same scale, namely, ' Marotse- 
land,' by Major Gibbons, 1901, north-west part of North- 
west Rhodesia by Captain Lynch, 1908, and the north- 
east part by Mr. J. M. Moubray, 1908. 

Reliable maps exist of the South-east Rhodesia-Portu- 
guese East Africa boundary (1892-8), of the Rhodesia- 
Portuguese boundaries north and south of the Zambezi, 
and of the Anglo-German boundary between Lakes Nyasa 


and Tanganyika (1898). Maps of these boundary com- 
missions have been published by the Geographical Section, 
General Staff, and reductions have been published by 
the Royal Geographical Society. The officers who took 
part in these various commissions were Colonels Leverson, 
Close and Boileau, the late Lieut. -Col. Watherston, 
Majors O'Shee and Russell-Brown, Captains Cox and 

The long frontier joining Lakes Tanganyika, Mweru, 
and Bangweulu, and thence stretching along the Katanga 
watershed to 24° E., has been delimited, and a com- 
mission has been appointed to demarcate the Anglo- 
Portuguese (North-west Rhodesia-Angola) frontier, so 
that it will not be very long before Rhodesia is hemmed 
in by boundary commission surveys, and, as it has a back- 
bone of first-class triangulation, and has competent 
survey departments, it is reasonable to expect that before 
long its maps will emerge from their existing imperfect 
and somewhat primitive condition. 

British Tropical Africa 

The Crown colonies and protectorates of British 
tropical Africa are the following : on the west coast, the 
Gambia, Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast, Southern and 
Northern Nigeria (now combined) ; and in east and 
central Africa, Nyasaland ; East Africa, the islands of 
Zanzibar and Pemba, Uganda, and the Anglo-Egyptian 
Sudan. It does not fall within the scope of this account 
to describe the early explorations of Livingstone, Speke, 
Burton, Stanley, and the other pioneers who first opened 
up tropical Africa to Europe, nor will the second period 
of exploration be dealt with at any length, namely, that 
which was in part the cause, in part the effect, of the early 
arrangements for the partition of Africa between Great 
Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, and Portugal. It 
will be necessary to take account of the steps by which 
precise geographical information of Africa has been 
acquired, and there is no uncertainty as to the starting- 
point of this period. The first reliable information as to 


the geographical features of the continental protectorates 
and colonies mentioned above was derived from the 
labours of the great series of International Boundary 
Commissions which began in 1884, and has not yet drawn 
to a close, although it should be said that there are only 
two important British frontiers remaining to be delimited. 

It is perhaps desirable at this point to indicate briefly The 
the progress in the accuracy of the mapping of Africa ^ or 1 k of 
which has taken place since the days of the great explorers. 
The inaccuracy of the work of such great men as Living- 
stone and Speke is due, not to any failure on their part, 
but to the two facts, first that it was beyond any man's 
power to depict accurately the vast regions they pene- 
trated, and secondly, that though an explorer has little 
difficulty in fixing his latitude with very fair accuracy, 
it is quite another matter with regard to his longitude. 
The work of the explorers is thus, as a rule, very defective 
as regards detail and unreliable as regards longitude. 
The degree of unreliability of course varies, but it is not 
uncommon to find errors of longitude of twenty or thirty 
miles in maps made before the boundary commission 
period. Such errors gave rise to many difficulties in 
the interpretation of treaties and in the staking out of 
frontiers, but looking back upon this interesting age of 
boundary commissions, now nearly over, it is really 
surprising how little friction between the countries con- 
cerned these difficulties caused. There is in fact hardly 
an instance on record of a serious disagreement between 
the commissions appointed to delimit an international 
frontier in Africa. 

At the period of writing, the total length of British 
African frontiers accurately delimited is about 15,000 
miles, and about 3,000 linear miles remain to be done. 

We may picture a stage in the exploration of British Progress 
African territories in which any particular protectorate graphical 
has accurately surveyed frontiers, fairly accurate surveys surveys. 
near the principal settlement and fairly accurate surveys 
of coast-line and lake shores. But the great area of the 
interior is only known to us by the information to be derived 


from very rough sketches, and little or no reliance is to 
be placed on the representation of the hill features or of 
the water system. This is the second stage out of which 
we are rapidly passing. We have now to deal with the 
new age, the age of accurate topographical surveys. 
The chief factor in this development is the Colonial 
Survey Committee, a body which is composed of represen- 
tatives of the Colonial Office, Ordnance Survey, and 
General Staff, and advises the Secretary of State on 
survey matters. It has been the constant aim of this 
Committee, which was created in 1905, to ensure unifor- 
mity of method and accuracy and permanence of results. 
It is not, however, by any means the case that survey 
effort has been limited to the production of topographical 
maps. Very much valuable work has been carried out 
in the execution of large-scale surveys for the settlement 
of the natives in Uganda, of white settlers in East Africa, 
and for the development of productive estates in the Gold 
Coast and elsewhere. In general the trigonometrical and 
topographical work has been carried out by officers and 
men of the Royal Engineers, and the large-scale cadastral 
surveys by civilian surveyors, but there is no fixed rule. 
The four colonies in which most survey work has been 
done, and of which the most accurate maps are either 
available or will shortly be available, are Uganda, East 
Africa, Southern Nigeria, and the Gold Coast, and a brief 
account will now be given of the surveys of these colonies. 
Uganda. The framework of the surveys is the admirable triangu- 
lation, extending from the Indian Ocean to Lake Edward, 
and from near the shores of Lake Kivu to Lake Albert, 
carried out by successive boundaiy commissions and by 
the party which measured the arc of meridian for 1\ 
degrees to the south of Lake Albert. Based on this and 
on other systematic triangulation is a block of survey 
covering about 40,000 square miles, most of which has 
now been published on the scale of 1/250000. The latest 
addition to these surveys is that carried out by the 
Mfumbiro boundary commission which covered the area 
between the Mfumbiro (or Virunga) Mountains and Lake 


Edward. The following officers are to be particularly 
remembered in connexion with the execution of these 
admirable topographical surveys — Colonel Delme Rad- 
cliffe, Majors Bright and Jack, Captains Behrens, Macfie, 
and Prittie, and Lieuts. Fishbourne and Pennington. 
The officer last named died of fever whilst engaged on the 
survey. With the exception of a small area in Ankole 
the whole block of country between Lake Albert, the 
Ruwenzori range, Lake Edward, the Mfumbiro Mountains, 
the River Kagera, and the British shore of Lake Victoria 
has been topographically surveyed, the surveys being 
based on a trigonometrical network of high accuracy. 

The task of the Survey Department of Uganda, under 
Mr. R. C. Allen, is the not less important one of surveying 
the native estates on the large scale of 1/10000, in order 
that the natives may be given a clear title to their land, 
and that the various properties may be accurately de- 
marcated. Steady and methodical progress is being 
made with this settlement survey, which is now being 
executed at the rate of more than 600 square miles a year. 
It is an important factor in the peaceful government of 
the country. The administered portion of Uganda is, on 
the whole, the best surveyed of all our tropical possessions 
in Africa. 

The Survey Department of East Africa is divided into East 
two main branches, the trigonometrical and topographical, Afnca - 
and the cadastral. The trigonometrical framework, which 
is of great accuracy, is tied on to the great trigonometrical 
chain mentioned above, which extends from the Indian 
Ocean at Mombasa to the heart of Africa. The accurate 
topography is chiefly on the scale of 1/125000 or about 
2 miles to 1 inch. Each sheet covers an area of about 
1,200 square miles, and some twelve sheets are completed. 
In addition, many thousands of square miles have been 
sketched in a rough fashion for preliminary reproduction 
on the scale of 1/250000. Much good topographical 
work has been done in East Africa, but even in the south 
there are many blanks which the geographer would desire 
to see filled. This will be done in time. Meanwhile the 


most important areas have been surveyed, or are about 
to be. 

The cadastral survey of East Africa is of unique 
importance in that it is largely concerned with the 
surveying and allotment of estates to white planters and 
settlers. The department has to cope with an ever- 
increasing demand for land on the healthy uplands. It 
also has to arrange for the surveys of the Arab estates 
on the low-lying coast belt. The cadastral branch has 
been somewhat undermanned in the past, and has heavy 
arrears to get through. But much has been done, 
and the rapidity and precision of the cadastral work 
improves. The following have been chiefly responsible 
for East African surveys — Majors Smith and Knox, 
Captains Williams and Cox, Lieut. Coode, Messrs. Townsend 
and Galbraith. 
Nigeria. Southern Nigeria (which has been administratively 
joined to Northern Nigeria) has a regularly organized 
survey department divided into topographical and 
cadastral branches, of which the former is at present the 
most important. The survey of Southern Nigeria presents 
many difficulties. There are the coastal region of creeks 
and mangrove swamps, and an intermediate belt of dense 
forest, which merges into thinner forest and grass lands. 
In spite of the forest the country is densely populated, and 
the survey constantly shows how greatly the number of 
villages was previously underestimated. The topo- 
graphical survey now in progress is perhaps the most 
exact and detailed survey ever undertaken in such a 
region. It presents many features of great technical 
interest, notably the fact that, in the coastal area, the 
survey framework is provided by a system of traverses. 
In the regions not yet reached by the regular survey, 
sketch maps from route surveys have been prepared. 
These represent the outcome of the secondary stage of 
exploration mentioned above. The regular maps of 
Southern Nigeria will be published on the scale of 1/125000. 

The regular mapping of Southern Nigeria owes almost 
everything to Major Guggisberg and to his officers, Captain 


Rowe, Lieuts. Waterhouse, Kentish, and Bell, Messrs. 
Cleminson, Webb, and others. The compilation of the 
sketches of the rest of Southern Nigeria has been carried 
out by Captain Beverley, and amongst the many who 
have contributed material should be mentioned Sir R. 
Casement and Captains Coe, Roupell, and Steel. 

Northern Nigeria had, until quite recently, no regular 
survey department. The maps published (on the scale of 
1/250000) have been compiled by the Intelligence Officer 
from route sketches carried out by officials of all kinds. 
These are adjusted to a very interesting framework, 
namely, 2,000 miles of international frontier surveyed by 
boundary commissions, and thirteen towns in the interior 
fixed in latitude and in longitude (telegraphically) by 
a special mission sent out in 1907. The existing maps 
of Northern Nigeria are largely due to the labours of 
Captains Ommanney, Evans, and Kempthorne, of the 
boundary commissioners, Colonels Lang, Elliott, and 
Jackson, Majors O'Shee, Whit lock, and Simonds, Captains 
Frith, Jackson, Doucet, Nugent, and Moore, and Lieuts. 
Hearson and Downes, and the interior sketches are the 
work of a host of officers and officials whom it is not 
possible to mention by name but who have the satisfaction 
of having assisted in the preliminary mapping of this 
territory of a quarter of a million square miles. 

The Survey Department of the Gold Coast has three Gold 
principal duties at the present time — the survey and oast ' 
demarcation of gold-mining and other concessions, the 
survey on large scales of the chief towns with a view to 
town planning and sanitation schemes, and the topo- 
graphical survey. The latter, from the point of view of 
this notice, is the most interesting duty, and the state of 
the topographical surveys will be briefly described. 

The topographical maps of the colony proper are a by- 
product of the Concession Surveys. These have been 
carried out since the year 1902, and are based on 
a large framework of traverses. The dense forest which 
covers most of the country prevents the execution of 
a triangulation except at ruinous expense. The net- 

1321-6 z 


work of exact traverses, therefore, is the necessary result 
of local conditions. From the Concession Surveys a map 
on a scale of 1/125000 was produced, and is the standard 
map of the colony. The forest, in addition to making 
triangulation impossible, has also had the effect of 
rendering any very precise delineation of the hill features 
a matter of difficulty. 

As to Ashanti, only maps based on sketches are available. 
But in the Northern Territories, covering an area of 40,000 
square miles, a good topographical survey is in course of 
execution. The southern portion of these territories 
resembles the Gold Coast proper in being covered with 
dense forest, but the northern half is more open, being in 
parts grass country and in parts covered with thin bush. 
We may expect in the course of a few years to possess 
good topographical maps of the Northern Territories. 
The officers who have been in charge of the surveys of 
the Gold Coast are the late Lieut. -Col. Watherston, 
Major Guggisberg, and Captain Lees ; other officers who 
have been employed on these surveys are Captains 
Coningham, Symons, Hall, and Mackesy. 
Zanzibar The survey of Zanzibar on a scale of 2 inches to 1 mile 
* nd , was carried out by a survey party sent from India. The 
survey of the island of Pemba on the 1 inch scale was 
completed in 1912 by a party under Captain Craster, 
assisted by Captain Kyngdon. The maps are now pub- 
Sierra This completes the account of the regular surveys of 

Leone. j ar g e areas in British tropical Africa. For Sierra Leone 
we are dependent on the work of the boundary commis- 
sions on the frontier regions, and in the interior we have 
only rough sketches based on astronomically fixed points. 
These have been compiled and published in sheets. The 
immediate neighbourhood of Freetown, however, has been 
surveyed by Captains Pearson and Cox, and a map on the 
1 inch scale is published. 
Nyasa- For Nyasaland also we are mainly dependent on the 

Sudan work of the boundary commissions and occasional 
scattered surveys. The country as a whole is not well 


mapped. In the vast area of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan 
exploratory surveys have been in progress since 1898, 
near Suakin since 1884, having been carried out by Colonel 
Talbot, Major Gwynn, Captains Pearson and Coningham, 
and other officers and officials. The preliminary explora- 
tion of this million square miles may now be said to be 
almost complete. These few lines cannot do justice to the 
energy with which these exploratory surveys have been 
prosecuted. Provisional sheets to the number of about 
130 have been published on the 1/250000 scale. In 
addition to these explorations, the Sudan Survey Depart- 
ment has carried out large-scale surveys of Khartoum, 
Omdurman, Suakin, Port Sudan, and the Gezira, or area 
between the Blue and White Niles. 

Year by year, as the result of the organized and syste- 
matic effort described above, our knowledge of the surface 
features of British tropical Africa grows. The adminis- 
trator is being provided with maps showing the sites of 
villages and farms and the boundary of every tribe ; the 
white prospector or settler is enabled to determine exactly 
the extent of his concession ; the soldier is obtaining the 
military maps he has long asked for ; the man of science 
can now, with the aid of accurate maps, study the physio- 
graphy of great areas of the hitherto dark continent. 
We are taking stock of our possessions, and it will not be 
many years before the stock-taking is fairly complete. 1 

Other Territories 

A few years ago the survey departments of the four Federated 
original States were amalgamated into a single Survey states. 
Department. Before this the only branch which dealt 
with the country as a whole was the trigonometrical 
branch. The existing state of the surveys is briefly 
as follows. An excellent trigonometrical and traverse 
framework covers the four States ; cadastral surveys, 

1 For information as to the state of the surveys of British tropical Africa 
see the Annual Report of the Colonial Survey Committee. For information 
as to the existing state of publication apply to the Geographical Section, 
General Staff, War Office. 

Z 2 


necessitated by the allotment of tin, rubber, and other con- 
cessions, and by government requirements, are in full 
operation ; topographical surveys have been commenced, 
and the topographical staff has been recently increased by 
the addition of the Colonial Survey Section, which has 
already surveyed Mauritius, St. Helena, and the Orange 
Free State. 
Islands Good maps are available of — 

Empire Jersey, 2 inches to 1 mile, contours in brown, 1901, now 

under revision. 

Guernsey, 1/2500, 6 inches to 1 mile, and 1 inch to 1 mile, 
rigorously surveyed, 1897-9. 

Bermuda, 6 inches and 1 inch to 1 mile, 1897-8. 

Ceylon. The state of the surveys of Ceylon is excep- 
tional. Ceylon has a large and costly Survey Depart- 
ment which has been in existence for a great many years. 
There is no doubt that this department does, from year 
to year, meet the requirements of the Colonial Govern- 
ment so far as concerns the immediate provision of maps 
necessary for land settlement. But perhaps too much 
attention has in the past been paid to satisfying immediate 
requirements and too little to assuring the permanence 
and future utility of the results. Extensive large-scale 
surveys on scales of 4 chains and 8 chains to 1 inch have 
been carried on, but there is no general cadastral system. 
A 1 inch topographical survey was begun in 1908, but has 
progressed very slowly. Geographers will welcome the 
publication of topographical maps of this important colony. 

Cyprus, 1 inch to 1 mile, surveyed by Captain H. H. 
Kitchener in 1885. The island is now being cadastrally 

Fiji, the principal triangulation of Viti Levu, the 
largest island, has been completed by Mr. G. T. McCaw, 
who was subsequently engaged in triangulating Vanua 

Hong Kong, § inch to 1 mile, 1909. 

Malta, 2 inches to 1 mile, corrected to 1911. 

Mauritius, 1 inch to 1 mile, in 6 sheets in colours, sur- 
veyed by the Colonial Survey Section, 1905. 


British New Guinea is as yet in a very early stage of 
exploration. As far as detailed information is concerned, 
the only maps are, of the coast, the Admiralty charts, and, 
of the interior, sketches made on journeys, some of which 
have been reproduced by the Royal Geographical Society. 
The General Staff published in 1906 a rough general map 
on the scale of 1/2000000. 

St. Helena, 2\ inches to 1 mile, in one sheet in colours, 
surveyed by the Colonial Survey Section in 1902. 

As regards the West Indies, the surveys of these islands 
are for the most part carried on for land department 
purposes only. No regular topographical survey exists 
of any British West India island. The most elaborate 
surveys yet carried out in the West Indies are those 
of Trinidad, which has a complete triangulation and 
cadastral framework. There is a general map of Jamaica 
published by the General Staff, on the scale of 8 miles to 
1 inch in one sheet, but the information is very imperfect. 

British Guiana. There has been no systematic survey 
of British Guiana. For the coast there are two Admiralty 
charts and there are rough surveys of a portion of the 
British Guiana- Venezuela frontier. The rest of the country 
is imperfectly explored. 

British Honduras. The question of making a topographi- 
cal survey of British Honduras is under consideration. 



By O. J. R. Howarth 

Imperial Commercial Relations 

The writer of this chapter has had the advantage of 
reading all which precede it in this and earlier volumes : 
they contain texts for a hundred imperial sermons which 
he could not deliver if he would. But there also emerge 
certain subjects, closely allied, other than those dealt with 
on general lines elsewhere, whose bigness places them out- 
side the mechanical limitations of the present work ; they 
are thus forbidden expert treatment in detail, but they 
call for passing comment. They bear mainly upon imperial 
economic relations. Their consideration, however brief, 
affords also an opportunity for reference to an important 
step which has been taken, not before it was time, towards 
a better understanding of the trade and resources of the 
Empire. This was the appointment, in 1912, of a Royal 
Commission (p. 63) to investigate the natural resources 
and economic potentialities of Canada, Australia, New 
Zealand, South Africa, and Newfoundland, and their 
trade and requirements in regard to foodstuffs and raw 
materials, as well as those of the mother country, and to 
suggest methods of improvement and development, 
subject to the limitation that existing fiscal laws and policy 
are not to be brought under comment. The Commission 
issued its second interim Report in 1914 ; * this dealt 
primarily with Australasia, but incidentally with subjects, 
to some of which reference will presently be made, of 
wider imperial significance. 

1 Cd. 7210 ; it was preceded by a short introductory report and the 
separate publication of a considerable mass of evidence. 


It is a truism that trade is the prime cause of imperial Colonial 
expansion, and, along with racial relationship, holds the ence! r 
Empire in union. The pioneering trader has vied with 
the trained explorer for the greater honour in opening 
up new territories ; the history of the Empire, in some 
instances down to the present day, reveals the political 
importance of the oversea trading company. The concep- 
tion of a monopoly of British colonial trade for British 
traders is as old as the Navigation Acts of the seventeenth 
century. It survived as a leading principle for nearly two 
centuries, until the introduction of free trade into the 
United Kingdom in the middle of the nineteenth century. 
That movement was followed by a complete reaction, 
but the earlier conception, profoundly modified as it has 
been, was never forgotten, and it emerged in the movement, 
by no means wholly abortive, which was made at the 
Colonial Conference of 1887 in favour of a colonial 
preferential system, which should provide moneys for 
imperial defence (pp. 50 seqq.) and the protection 
of commerce. From the last years of the nineteenth 
century the great oversea dominions, in the exercise 
of independent governance, gave preferential treatment, 
involving reduced customs duties, in favour of British 
over foreign imported goods. But the question, on its 
introduction into the politics of the mother country, 
found opposing parties almost ready made. Those who 
support the reform of the tariffs of the United Kingdom 
base their arguments upon the profound change in its 
economic position in the commercial world since the 
introduction of free trade. Britain was then supreme as 
a manufacturing country, dominated foreign markets, 
and could afford freely to exchange her manufactured 
goods for foreign raw materials and foodstuffs, whereas 
now her manufactures are in direct competition, both 
at home and abroad, with those of foreign countries. 
The reformers, by means of a low tariff on foreign manu- 
factured goods, seek to reduce direct taxation without 
reducing the revenue available for social reform and other 
common purposes, and to improve the demand for 


employment in manufacturing industries, and the standard 
of wages. They aim to foster imperial commerce, and 
thereby imperial union, by giving preference to the over- 
sea dominions in the home market, whether or not 
such preference should connote a tax upon foreign food- 
stuffs ; even if it did, they maintain that the price of 
food would not rise. Between the hostile views no striking 
of a balance can be attempted ; the opponents of reform 
meet most of the above contentions with a flat denial ; 
they believe that the taxation proposed would raise 
prices, limit the purchasing powers of the people, lead to 
the abolition of the favourable treatment in respect of 
tariffs which is now enjoyed by Britain in the great 
majority of foreign markets, and thus limit British trade 
generally, and increase unemployment. The imperial 
aspect of the reformers' proposals is controverted (if 
not ignored) ; in them an easy occasion for discord 
between the mother country and the overseas dominions 
is foreseen. The limitation imposed upon the Dominions 
Commission mentioned in the first paragraph of this 
chapter, in regard to the terms of its inquiry, might help 
a future commentator, deprived of other information, to 
date its appointment pretty accurately. Protection is 
frequently stated to be a fertile source of political corrup- 
tion. The unique economic position of Britain is adduced 
by either side as an argument for or against reform, and 
the experience of countries where protection is in opera- 
tion has been adduced as proof or disproof with that 
elasticity which is proverbially attributed to statistics. 
Imperial The mention of statistics leads to a reference which 
statistics: it j desirable to make to the tables which have been 

colonial contributed to these volumes. In them some attempt 

has been made to distinguish the more important 
directions of intercolonial trade, and these have been 
also represented diagrammatically on the accompanying 
map, because their small proportions to the total volume 
of trade causes their local importance, and still more 
their promise in regard to the future of imperial commer- 
cial union, to be commonly lost to sight. But their 




compilation has very clearly revealed the justice of the 
demand made in various quarters for a common system 
to control the official preparation of imperial statistics 
generally, for (to take a single illustration) under existing 
arrangements, in the absence of co-ordination, the 
returns made from any two parts of the Empire as to the 
value of trade taking place between them often diverge 
widely, and may even be irreconcilable, owing to the 
adoption of different methods in computing or presenting 

Oversea Communications 

The Certain geographical factors in connexion with the 

Atlantic, principal oversea trade-routes of the Empire may be 
briefly considered. The North Atlantic waterway between 
the British Isles and Canada is unique among great trade- 
routes in necessitating different termini at the Canadian 
end in summer and in winter. The river St. Lawrence is 
closed by ice in winter, and steamers have to call at 
St. John's or Halifax (N.S.), ice-free ports. Moreover, the 
St. Lawrence ports, especially Montreal, stand to modern 
conditions of shipping in much the same relationship 
as many estuarine ports elsewhere. ' Increase of size 
of cargo steamers has been accompanied by reduction 
in . . . cost per ton mile. The working expenses, 
including coal, wages, and upkeep, are less per ton carried 
in the large than in the small steamers.' x This considera- 
tion creates competition between ports in the provision 
of accommodation for larger and larger vessels, and 
connotes success in such competition to those ports where 
physical conditions are by nature most advantageous, or 
admit most readily of improvement. It is a tribute to 
the economic energy of the Canadian national port of 
Montreal that the St. Lawrence navigation should have 
been so far improved as to allow vessels of 15,000 tons 
to steam nearly three days' journey from the open 
ocean into the interior of eastern Canada. And perhaps 
the most vivid illustrations of the economic importance 

1 Sir J. H. Biles. 


of water-carriage under modern conditions are to be found 
in the facts that this great river, though closed for sixteen 
weeks in the year, preserves its vitality as a trade route, 
and that the grain trade of central Canada has led to 
preparations for a sea-route, which will be still more 
restricted in respect of its open season, by way of the 
sub-arctic waters of Hudson Strait and Bay. The physical 
disabilities of the St. Lawrence route, however, have 
been reflected in the high rates for shipping insurance as 
compared with those ruling in the case of American ports 
further south, and the consequent diversion of a sub- 
stantial proportion of Canadian grain to New York for 

The opening of the Panama Canal will lessen by some The 
6,000 miles the distance by a practicable ocean route c ana i. 
between the ports of the United Kingdom and those 
of the Pacific seaboard of Canada. Even under existing 
conditions there has been some tendency to transport 
products of western Canada to Pacific, not to eastern, 
ports for shipment. The creation of the canal should 
stimulate the trade of these ports, even though, so far as 
concerns trade between western Canada and eastern 
American ports, it should be found that land transport 
from the Dominion to San Francisco enters into competi- 

The opening of the canal bears also, incidentally, upon Routes to 
the general geographical problem of the trade routes to as ^. ra 
the Antipodean dominions, Australia and New Zealand. 
The existing sea routes are those by the Suez Canal, by 
the Cape of Good Hope (rounding Africa), and by Cape 
Horn (rounding South America). The table below shows 
in sea miles (of which 1 = 11515 statute mile) the distance 
by these routes to ports in Australia and New Zealand, 
to which is added that route which involves the railway 
crossing of Canada. The figures are for the most 
part adapted from tables in the Second Interim Report 
of the Dominions Royal Commission mentioned above, 
and it must be stated that these tables are given in imme- 
diate connexion with a discussion on the carriage, not of 



merchandise generally, but of mails, and that the English 
ports named are not necessarily those from which existing 
steamship lines ply. But, especially so far as concerns 
the Panama route, these computations of distance are par- 
ticularly valuable because they take account of deviations 

To Australia. 

To New 




From Southampton, via Gibraltar, 

Suez, Colombo .... 



12,829 l 

From Southampton via Teneriflfe and 

Cape Town ..... 



12,975 2 

From Liverpool trans-Atlantic, Canada, 

Pacific (Halifax, Vancouver, Hono- 

lulu, Fiji) 



12,036 s 

From Plymouth via Madeira, Rio de 

Janeiro, Cape Horn 



11,801 2 

From Bristol via Jamaica, Panama, 




11,311 3 

Trade by 
the Suez 
and Good 

to existing or probable intermediate ports of call, and do 
not quote, as other computations have, merely the shortest 
distance, say, between Panama and Sydney, an unbroken 
voyage which would scarcely be undertaken when con- 
venient coaling or trading stations lie at no great distance 
from the direct course. It should be mentioned also, in 
connexion with the routes to New Zealand particularly, 
that the two Cape routes, bringing shipping within the 
region of prevalent westerly winds in the middle latitudes 
of the Southern Hemisphere, are usually combined, vessels 
steaming (and a fortiori sailing, for there remain some 
sailing vessels in the trade) from England to New Zealand 
by way of the Cape of Good Hope, and returning by way 
of Cape Horn. A fuller table of distances, in statute 
miles, between ports of the Empire and certain other 
points, will be found on p. 378. 

The Suez route carries the mails to Australia, and is 
that most commonly identified in the minds of travellers 
with the passenger service thither, since a full week can 
be saved in time over the steamer-voyage round western 

The Bluff, South Island, via Adelaide, Melbourne, and Hobart. 
Wellington. 3 Auckland. 


Europe, by means of railway transport across Europe 
to a Mediterranean (Italian) port. Nevertheless, the 
trans-American route may (with favourable connexions) 
be equally rapid to eastern Australia or even more so on 
occasion, and the distances by the various routes differ 
less than is generally supposed. Considering trade 
alone, an interesting position is disclosed. The depth of 
the canal limits the size of vessels using the Suez route, 
and the largest of these are substantially exceeded in 
tonnage by a number of vessels using the Cape of Good 
Hope route ; moreover, the payment of canal dues forms 
a heavy consideration which does not apply to the latter 
route. If we take the total tonnage of British liners in 
the direct Australasian trade from and to the United 
Kingdom, we shall find that approximately a proportion 
of 53 per cent, use the Cape of Good Hope route, 33 per 
cent, the Suez route, and 14 per cent, the Cape Horn 
route. 1 But as between the outward and homeward 
services there are wide divergencies. The use of the Cape 
Horn route is wholly homeward. The Suez route generally 
saves more time over the Good Hope route on the home- 
ward than on the outward voyage, and it happens that this 
is important to the export trade from Australia in wool 
and perishable food -stuffs ; so that whereas the tonnage 
steaming outward by the Cape of Good Hope outweighs 
that by Suez by three to one, there is a small balance in 
favour of the canal on the homeward voyage. 

The carriage of the mails, as already indicated, incurs The car- 
problems in some measure distinct from those associated J^Jg ° 
with trade generally. The natural tendency is towards 
acceleration in time, and the cheapness of water transport 
as against land transport does not outweigh this con- 
sideration in the case of mails so far as it does in that of 
merchandise. Therefore the Canadian mails carried by 
the St. Lawrence route during the open season are trans- 
shipped at Rimouski, situated near the lowest point 
down the St. Lawrence estuary served by a railway. 

1 Adapted from 6gures for 1912, in Dominions Commission Report above 
cited, Appendix II. 


The mails for the Orient and Australasia are conveyed, 
as has been seen, by train across Europe, and are shipped 
at Brindisi or Taranto, and thus leave London a week 
later than the steamers which carry them forward. The 
South African mail contract is dealt with in the volume (III) 
on Africa in this series (p. 142). The speed of delivery 
could not in this case be materially affected by any 
extension of railway transport within British territory, 
though it might be so by the establishment of rail con- 
nexion between the Egyptian Delta and the Cape. 
Such connexion, however, could not now be made wholly 
through Egyptian and British territory, as was contem- 
plated by such supporters of it as Cecil Rhodes and 
H. H. Johnston, who familiarized the proposal under the 
title of the ' Cape-to-Cairo '. The Anglo-German agree- 
ment of 1890 gave German East Africa a border-line 
marching with that of the Congo Free State (now Belgian 
Congo) on either side and to the northward of Lake 
Tanganyika, and these territories thus interrupt the con- 
tinuity of British territory between the basins of the 
Zambezi and the Nile. 
Proposals But important modifications of the existing conditions 
prove 1 - °^ ma il service between the mother country and both 
ment in Canada and Australasia have been of recent years under 


consideration. The whole matter was discussed at the 



2*i ser " Imperial Conference in 1911, and has been investigated 
by the Dominions Commission. At the Conference a 
movement was made by representatives of New Zealand, 
Canada, and Newfoundland towards a mail service by 
an ' all red ' or wholly British route passing through the 
two last territories. Attention has been given to a scheme 
of establishing a first-class port on the west coast of 
Ireland. From such a port an Atlantic crossing of 1,600 
sea miles to St. John's, Newfoundland, would replace 
such existing sea-passages as that from Liverpool to 
Halifax, which, at the season when the shortest course 
can be followed, is 2,472 sea miles in length. An Ireland- 
Newfoundland route would involve frequent tranship- 
ment — in the case of Australasian mails at two Irish 


Sea ports, at the west of Ireland port, at two Newfound- 
land and two Canadian ports — but this extreme proposal 
is capable of obvious modification. Mail routes cannot 
be considered exclusively on their merits as such : the exis- 
tence or probability of merchandise traffic being obtained 
of sufficient quantity and character to justify the estab- 
lishment of a line of large fast steamers is an essential 
factor. So far as concerns the Atlantic passage, this 
factor is obviously present and steamers of the type 
specified exist. Railways crossing the Dominion of 
Canada are of such calibre that considerable acceleration 
over existing speeds are no doubt possible — the crossing 
from Halifax by Montreal, Sudbury, Winnipeg, and Cal- 
gary to Vancouver, 3,656 miles, is made at an average 
speed, including all stops except that at Montreal, of 
about 28 miles per hour, but taking into account the 
mountainous and other difficult sections of the line, this 
speed connotes much faster running over other long sec- 
tions — for example 34 miles per hour, including stops, over 
426 miles between Fort William and Winnipeg. A traffic 
between Vancouver and New Zealand and Australian 
ports such as would justify the employment of steamers 
of the type indicated is more problematical, though even 
now there is a vessel of 13,500 tons in the service, and the 
Royal Commission's Report already cited states that ' it 
seems certain that the important commercial exchanges 
already taking place between Canada and Australasia 
will be largely developed in manufactured goods and in 
primary products, the interchange of the latter being 
influenced by the fact that the seasons of these countries 
are almost diametrically opposite '. 

When considering this or any other Australasian Land and 
route primarily as a mail route, it must not be forgotten ^* t . 
that the completion of the west-to-east transcontinental the sub- 
line in Australia, giving railway connexion between J- j£ ques " 
Fremantle (W.A.), South Australia, and the eastern 
states, will save about sixty hours over the sea transport 
from Fremantle to Adelaide, and will give an important 
advantage to the Suez route as arrangements now stand. 




If mails were conveyed to the Persian Gulf over the Bagdad 
railway, Australia could be reached with an ocean passage 
from the Gulf of some fifteen days, and if ultimately a 
European-Indian railway connexion were established, 
there would be an ocean passage of nine or ten days 
(the present duration of the voyage between Colombo 
and Fremantle). But these schemes are no more than 
possibilities, and, moreover, there are obvious objections 
(which have been taken to the trans-European section 
of the existing Australian mail route) to the passage 
of such route through foreign countries, by means of an 
expensive land-transport system, when it is not impossible 
that the land-transport might be through British terri- 
tories (across North America), or might be dispensed 
with by bringing into existence a fast steamer service 
by way of the Cape of Good Hope, or by Panama. It is 
claimed that vessels of the type required for such a ser- 
vice, necessarily possessing a very large effective steaming 
radius without recoaling, would be of particular value 
as naval auxiliaries. And lastly, the Dominions Com- 
mission records its preference, so far as concerns the 
Australasian mail service, either for a division of contract * 
and for latitude as regards choice of route, in order to 
avoid the creation of a quasi-monopoly, or, if subsidizing 
to a reasonable amount cannot ensure a substantial 
accretion of speed over the ordinary merchant service, 
for the abolition of the contract system and the dispatch 
of mails at statutory rates. 

While several trans-Atlantic cables connect Ireland and 
Britain with Newfoundland and Canada, none is purely 
under British control, and at the Imperial Conference 
in 1911 it was urged that a State cable should be laid. 
This was not undertaken, but in 1913 the British Govern- 
ment took an important step towards the development 
of an imperial system of wireless telegraphy. A contract 
was completed by the Postmaster-General and was 

1 Subsidies are paid by the British Government to the Peninsular and 
Oriental Steam Navigation Company (£305,000 for the mail services to 
Australia, India, and China), and by. the Government of the Commonwealth 
of Australia to the Orient Steam Navigation Company (£170,000). 


ratified in 1913, with the Marconi Company, to erect, 
and work for a period of not less than six months or 
exceeding twelve, wireless stations in England (Leafield 
and Devizes), Egypt (Cairo and Ismailia), India (Poona), 
East and South Africa, and Singapore. A payment of 
£60,000 for each station was contracted for, excluding 
the site and buildings. The term is for twenty-eight 
years from the date of the opening of the first three 
stations, subject to termination at the will of the 
Government at the end of eighteen years. During the 
term the company is to receive 10 per cent, of the gross 
receipts of the stations erected as above, but subject to 
a reduction if the company's system is replaced by another 
at any station, while pending the completion of the 
stations in South Africa, India, and Singapore the Govern- 
ment may cancel the agreement on payment for work 
done. The Australian and New Zealand Governments 
have also undertaken wireless telegraphic schemes. 
A British cable system, under the Eastern Telegraph 
and the Eastern Extension Companies, connects the 
mother country with St. Vincent, Ascension and St. 
Helena Islands, Cape Town, Mauritius, Cocos-Keeling, 
and Australia. Australia is connected by cable with 
New Zealand, and the British, Canadian, Australian, 
and New Zealand Governments jointly own a trans - 
Pacific cable from Australia and New Zealand to Norfolk 
Island, Fiji, Fanning Island, and Vancouver. The 
Eastern Company and its extension also work cables 
running by Malta, Egypt, and the Red Sea to Aden, and 
thence along the east coast of Africa, to Mauritius, to 
India, the Straits Settlements, and Hong Kong. 

Migration within the Empire 

The administrative relations between the State and General 
imperial migration have been dealt with elsewhere tion^™ 
(pp. 28 seqq.), but some general considerations may be 
added. So far as concerns migration within the Empire, 
the criticisms which are sometimes directed against 
emigration in principle can scarcely be cogent, other- 

1321-6 A a 


wise a primary justification for the foundation of an 
empire would be lost. Emigration has been attacked 
on the ground that it draws from the mother country 
men and women at the period of their best vigour, 
and leaves behind a disproportionate number of the 
very old and the very young. On another ground, it 
is said that emigration tends to draw off the good 
workers and leave the drones. So far as concerns the 
first consideration, it cannot be urged that the number 
of emigrants stands in so high a proportion to the total 
population as materially to aid in the creation of the 
condition assumed, except perhaps in Ireland. Here, 
it may be at once admitted, the position is exceptional 
and in an imperial sense unfavourable. The stream of 
emigration from Ireland has probably affected the 
remaining population in the direction indicated, and, 
moreover, under political and other influences with which 
it is no part of this chapter to deal, the greatest stream 
of emigration (the flow of which, however, has somewhat 
slackened) has been directed not towards British overseas 
territories but towards the United States of America. 

We may distinguish two broad reasons for emigration, 
which, however, must obviously in great measure be 
interacting : (a) the excess of supply over demand for 
labour in many departments, and consequently the 
inability of the individual to obtain work at home, 
whatever his qualifications may be ; (b) the prospect 
that the individual, by leaving his work at home and 
taking his labour to an oversea dominion, will be able 
to improve his earnings and conditions of life. In so far 
as these two reasons operate individually without inter- 
action, it may be taken that the first applies mainly 
in the case of trades and professions, the second mainly 
in the case of agricultural occupation. The emigrating 
agriculturist, giving up work at home, may be influenced 
by purely economic considerations, or by geographical 
considerations as well, if the accident of birth has origin- 
ally planted him on poor soil. It must not be supposed 
(as sometimes it is) that the emigrant has a right to expect 


to practise overseas the trade or occupation (if any) 
which he has learned at home. The call from overseas 
is principally for immigrants who will go upon the land, 
but those who leave the mother country are not drawn 
principally from the land but from the towns, and upon 
every consideration of social well-being it is right that 
this should be so. On the other hand, considerations 
which are detailed elsewhere 1 give ground for apprehen- 
sion regarding the overgrowth of urban in proportion to 
rural population both in Canada and in Australia, and 
there has also to be overcome (if, indeed, it be not actually 
justified) the fear of increased competition in the skilled 
labour-markets overseas. If, then, land-settlement be 
taken as the prime object of immigration in the view of 
the overseas territory, and relief of overcrowding in towns 
(both in a social and in an economical sense) the prime 
object of emigration in the view of the mother country, 
it follows that measures are necessary for the reconcilia- 
tion of these two objects, which are prima facie in opposi- 
tion, and it is here that the organization of imperial 
migration is as yet incomplete. 

It should be possible to lay down that if an emigrant Control 
starts for a new country (within the limits of the Empire) ticn" 8 ™ 
without knowing what he has to expect in the way of 
changed conditions (whether connected with physical 
environment, or with social conditions, or with the work 
he is to take up), his ignorance is due to his own default. 
Opportunities to rectify such ignorance are indeed not 
actually denied to him, but, on the other hand, they are 
not always easily come by. 

To the Emigrants' Information Office reference has 
been made elsewhere (p. 30). It is under the direction 
of the Colonial Office, and in distributing information 
it is able to make use of post offices, labour exchanges, 
public libraries, and other local institutions. It publishes 
not only periodical circulars, but also handbooks on the 

1 See especially the chapters on economic conditions and on population 
in Canada and Australia, in the volumes of this series dealing with the 
American (IV) and Australasian (V) territories respectively. 

A a 2 


principal overseas territories of the Empire (as well as on 
certain foreign countries), and it also makes a solid endea- 
vour to cover the whole economic field of emigration from 
Britain — not only that fraction of it which is occupied 
by the problems of agricultural and other labour. Thus, 
it supplies information concerning professions also, and 
migration among the professional classes presents prob- 
lems perhaps more difficult and even less systematically 
attacked than those concerned with the migration of 
labour. Such institutions as the British Dominions 
Emigration Society and the Church [of England] Emigra- 
tion Society can assist migrants not only at the beginning 
but also at the end of their migration, through organized 
systems of representatives overseas. Societies like the 
Young Men's and Young Women's Christian Associations, 
the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, the 
Church Army, and the Salvation Army, play important 
parts, according to their various lights, in the assistance of 
emigrants. From these and other similar bodies the mi- 
grant may look for impartial information and a considered 
estimate of his prospects ; the representative organi- 
zations, in the mother country, of overseas dominions 
whose object is to attract settlers, may be similarly relied 
upon, even though it be their natural task to make the 
very best of the prospects they offer. And when the 
intending emigrant is an applicant for one of the assisted 
passages which, under conditions, are offered by various 
colonial governments, an examination of his qualifica- 
tions and fitness is involved. Even the broker or agent 
through whom the passages may be booked is under some 
measure of control ; the broker is licensed and under 
a bond of £1,000, and is legally responsible for the acts of 
his agents. 1 But in the fitness or unfitness of a client the 
broker or agent has obviously no controlling concern ; 
while in regard to the prospects offered by the new land 
in which he is specially interested, extreme optimism is 
in the language of his brief. 

No single organization has yet been brought into the 

1 Dominions Commission Report, above cited. 


position of a central emigration authority. The training 
of migrants who possess the will but lack experience to 
work upon the land is only sporadically attempted, 
whether in the mother country or overseas, though local 
and individual efforts have been made with success, and 
will supply a basis for the future extension of this work. 
No systematic test of suitability will wholly overcome 
the personal element, or eliminate that homing instinct 
which in some instances even the worst of British slums 
have been found to exercise upon their children over- 
seas. On the other hand, an instance has fallen under the 
writer's notice of a southern-county agricultural worker 
who emigrated to Canada, though not ill-to-do at home, 
and returned after one winter for the single reason that 
he found it too cold. Perhaps he should have known ; 
perhaps, however, he had lacked, not through his own 
fault, that schooling in imperial geography which should 
be an integral part of imperial education. 

This instance (trivial as it may appear in itself) points 
to a geographical problem which from the point of view 
of migration calls for investigation. In this connexion 
it may be permissible to refer again to the Dominions 
Commission Report — and the passages quoted are of 
interest not in this connexion alone but because they 
incidentally illustrate two most important functions of 
emigration, by suggesting the possibility of relieving 
unemployment consequent upon ' blind-alley ' employ- 
ment, and of relieving what may be termed (from the 
Irish parallel) a ' congested district ' : 

' We would also call attention to the possibility of 
greater co-operation between Your Majesty's Govern- 
ment and the Governments of Australasia towards the 
emigration of discharged soldiers from India. Many 
of these men would, we believe, be willing to go to 
Australasia, but now find difficulty in doing so, and as 
they are already accustomed to a climate more trying 
than that of the northern portions of Australia, they would 
make suitable settlers. . . . The possibility of developing 
the northern portions of Australia by migration from 
countries having a similar climate has not received 

tion of 


adequate attention. The advantage of an influx of white 
labour already acclimatized is apparent. ... In Malta 
alone there is a large body of acclimatized white labour 
available, and these are British subjects who, as the result 
of administrative and economic changes, cannot be 
effectively provided for in that island. The introduction 
of such people as these would not be inconsistent with 
the " White Australia " policy. . . . ' 

— and here the Report touches incidentally upon one of 
the most noteworthy experiments in migration ever 
contemplated, the settlement of a tropical country with 
a population wholly white. 1 
Migra- The migration of women constitutes a distinct problem 

within the major problem of migration generally. A boy 
may be fit to emigrate independently from the age of 
sixteen onward ; women are not advised to do so under 
the age of twenty- three. 3 It is generally supposed that 
there must be a large number of women in the United 
Kingdom who are of suitable ages and in appropriate 
circumstances for emigration ; this supposition is based, 
naturally enough, on the excess of female over male 
population exhibited by the census returns for Great 
Britain (and in a much less degree by those for Ireland), 
in contrast with the returns for the great oversea depen- 
dencies. But the theory is not proven. 4 Nor, perhaps, 
is it certain that the opportunity for marriage is so much 
greater in the oversea dominions than at home as is 
often asserted, though to some degree it must be so ; 
the position of women in this respect no doubt varies 
widely in sympathy with their geographical distribution, 
the conditions in the more densely peopled and older 
settled parts of the oversea dominions approximating 
most closely to those at home. The requirements of 
the dominions in regard to women immigrants vary rather 
markedly. In Canada there are many opportunities for 
domestic servants and those who are willing and trained 

1 See the volume (V) on Australasian territories in this series, ch. i, 
viii, &c. 2 Cf. p. 270. 

3 From a circular issued by the British Women's Emigration Association. 

4 Dominions Commission Report, cited p. 11. 


to undertake the position (an onerous one judged upon 
the standard of the mother country) of ' home helps ' ; 
also for elementary teachers, for women with medical 
qualifications (as nurses, &c), or capable in the higher 
secretarial duties, and in various other directions. In 
Australia and New Zealand ' the opportunities are neither 
as numerous, nor as varied, as in Canada, but there 
is a demand for fully trained nurses, highly qualified 
governesses and teachers, and efficient home helps '} 
The demand for domestic service appears, however, to 
exceed the supply wherever the service of white women is 
employed (which is no matter for wonder when the service 
is the reverse of overcrowded at home) ; the immigrating 
domestic servant is welcomed as dea ex machind — indeed, 
that phrase may understate the case, for the Australian 
housewife is stated sometimes to engage servants by 
wireless telegraphic message to the ship which is bringing 

By the expression ' non-British migration ' it appears No . n ; 
necessary (for want of a better) to designate those great m igra- 
and important movements which have taken and still tlon - 
take place principally from the Indian Empire to other 
British territories, and have established not a few problems 
of their own. We find the presence of immigrant Indian 
populations giving rise to serious political and economic 
questions in so diverse territories as South Africa (prin- 
cipally Natal) and British Columbia. To South Africa 
Indians were admitted under indentures as early as 1860, 
and it was not until towards the end of the century, when 
Indians had established themselves in independent 
economic positions and come into direct competition 
with white traders (whose numbers and interests had in 
the meantime expanded), that the question of their 
relations became acute. A situation not dissimilar is 
found in British Columbia, where, however, it forms 
part of the wider problem of dealing with Asiatic immigra- 
tion generally, which is discussed in volume IV (chap. 
VII). It can scarcely be a matter for wonder if British 

1 Dominions Commission Report, cited, p. 11. 


administration does not immediately succeed, in territories 
outside the Indian Empire, in learning the lessons which 
successive generations of civil servants have learned 
within that Empire, even if it were possible to work 
(as it is not) with a single eye to those lessons. On the 
other hand, examples are found in British Guiana and 
West Indian islands where, for three-quarters of a century, 
immigration of Indian labourers has been carried on with 
benefit both to themselves and to the territories concerned, 
and without serious dissensions. It would appear that 
the forces controlling the success or non-success (whether 
temporary or ultimate) of Indian immigration may be 
thus summarized — that success is attained provided that 
the immigrants are entering a territory which will suit 
them by its climatic and other geographical similarity to 
their native country, that they are inducted under a 
carefully-controlled indenture system, and that they do 
not enter into direct economic competition either with 
white men or with a native race with which their relations 
are antagonistic (as they are, for example, between the 
Indians and the native labourers in Fiji). 

It would serve no useful purpose here to tabulate the 
sources, other than the mother country, from which 
various parts of the Empire are populated. They are 
indicated in their appropriate places throughout this 
series. Many of the foreign-born inhabitants of British 
territory acquire a full sense of the citizenship of the 
Empire and all that it implies. Among many more, from 
Chinese in far eastern territories to such self-contained 
communities as the Dukhobors in western Canada, that 
sense of citizenship, if it can be said to exist at all, stops 
short at appreciation of a system of law and order under 
which they can live in peace and, according to their 
various lights, in economic prosperity : it is one of the 
highest tributes to the success (and, in particular, the 
adaptability) of British administration that they are so 
generally able to do so. 



From the foregoing paragraphs, and from other The age 
sections of this volume, it is deducible that certain great Empire 
departments of imperial organization have yet to be 
organized imperially. The political evolution of the 
Empire, including as it does the granting of self-govern- 
ment to great oversea dominions, has proceeded along 
lines which dictate that in many matters the national 
house must be set in order before the imperial mansion. 
Nor need this make for evil. In this aspect the history 
of the Empire may be compared to the life of a man, 
and, so compared, it appears to have passed through the 
period of childhood, of character scarcely formed, and of 
passions ill -regulated, perhaps, but not wanting in favour- 
able augury for the future formation of character ; the 
first lessons have been learned ; the later are in the 
learning, and the principles they inculcate begin to be 
applied ; the Empire, if the simile holds true, is in the 
period of early manhood. 

It is a necessary preliminary to imperial organization, Geogra- 
in whatever department, that those on whom the task {J^sis of 
falls (and it may fall not on individuals only but on the study 
generations) should possess some organized knowledge of Empire, 
the Empire. To supply an outline of such knowledge has 
been the object of this survey. In its volumes there are 
many sections in which neither the subjects nor even the 
basis of their treatment are to be termed geographical. 
Yet the basis of the whole work is geographical, not 
merely in the sense that an empire (or any of its com- 
ponent units) is a geographical expression, but on the 
wider consideration which dictates the study of a country 
first in its strictly physical aspects, next in those of its 
natural wealth, and then, and not until then, in regard 
to its inhabitants, whose function is to turn that wealth 
to use, and whose manner of life is constantly under the 
control of the natural conditions previously described. 
The geographical outlook is not concerned solely with 
the enumeration and tabulation of territories, towns. 


mountains, rivers, and lakes, or with the description of 
the Empire in terms of a series of formulae (as, for 
example, that the sun never sets on it), or with a parade 
of vast figures of dimension, difficult of comprehension 
for lack of a standard of comparison. Instead, standards 
of comparison must be set up throughout, not only by 
means of statistical tables, but by affording or suggesting 
material for a regional view 1 ; for it is more profitable to 
view the territories of the Empire regionally, classifying 
them according to a common scale of climatic and other 
natural conditions, than to consider them merely in 
relation to meridians and parallels and political frontiers. 
Such a view of the whole subject must needs be broad, 
and in no part composed of minute details, but upon the 
geographical background, as here laid down, it is possible 
to range in perspective the main facts of cognate sciences, 
natural, economic, and political. 

1 Cf. p. 64. 



By Harold Macfarlane 



iiate Production of 

British Empire 

(in millions) 

1897. 1898. 1899. 






Wheat (bush.) . 

410-0 452-9 376-6 






Brit. Ind. % of total 

65*6 56-3 53'i 






Barley (bush.) . 

92-4 99-4 ioi-8 






U.K. % of total . 

78-5 75-i 73'i 






Tea (lb.) . 

2707 278-3 31 17 






Brit. Ind. % of total 

56-8 56-6 58-3 






Cacao (lb. ) 

39-2 427 48-1 






Gold Coast* % of 


0-4 i-o 1-4 






Coffee (lb.) 

39-1 42-6 36-0 





45 -o 

Brit.Ind.% of total 

6i-3 55*3 48-9 






Raw sugar (cane, cwt. ) 

— 54-3 49-6 






Brit. Ind. % of total 

— 76-4 75 -o 






Rubber (lb.) 

12-8 13-4 12-0 






Fed. Malay States * 

% of total 

Cotton (lb.) 

992-0 1,209-0 438-0 






Brit. Ind. (lb.) 

989-0 1, 206-0 436-0 






Uganda* (lb.) 

Wool (lb.): 

Australia (greasy) . 

440* 455* 468-0 






New Zealand (greasy) 136* 149* 164-0 






U.K. . 

139-0 139-0 140-0 






S. Africa * 

82-0 98-0 90-0 




77 -o 


1905. 1906. 






Wheat (bush.) 

5647 5777 






Brit. Ind. % of total 

56-5 54-8 






Barley (bush.) 

II2-0 I207 

1 1 8-4 

1 177 




U.K. % of total . 

58-o 55-9 





49 -o 

Tea (lb.) 

398-4 413-5 






Brit. Ind. % of total 

55-6 5 8-3 






Cacao (lb.) 

87-1 72-2 






Gold^Coast* % of 


13-1 27-8 






Coffee (lb.) 

47 -o 29-9 






Brit. Ind. % of total 

66-2 59-5 






Raw sugar (cane, cwt.) 

47-3 59-5 






Brit. Ind. % of total 

72-9 74-1 






Rubber (lb.) 

9-8 ii-i 






Fed. Malay States * 

% of total 

2-4 9-3 






Cotton (lb.) 

1,371-0 1,982-0 1 

,261-0 1 

,487-0 1 

,900-0 1 

,557-o 1 


Brit. Ind. (lb.) 

1,366-0 1,974-0 1 

,249-0 1 

,477 -o 1 

,887-0 1 

,541-0 1 


Uganda* (lb.) 

— 0-4 






Wool (lb.) : 

Australia (greasy) . 

522-0 578-0 






New Zealand (greasy) 172-0 189-0 




204-0 * 

169-0 * 


131-0 130-0 






S. Africa * 

77 -o 89-0 1 






* Domestic Exports. | Until 1906, exports via Delagoa Bay and Beira were excluded. 




Canada . 
British India . 
New Zealand . 
United Kingdom 
Cape Province . 

Total Forest Area % of total area 
in square miles. of country. 









1 1 74 





Production in British Empire (in millions) 

Coal (tons) 

Value (£) 

U.K. (£) 
Pig-iron (tons) 

U.K. . 
Diamonds (£) 
Gold (oz.) . 

Value (£) 

Transvaal (£) 

Australia (£) 
Silver * (£) 

Copper (£) 

Tin (£) . 

Fed. Malay S, 




60 -o 


















































































1905. 1906. 1907. 1908. 1909. 1910. 191 1. 

Coal (tons) . 265-0 284-0 305-0 301-0 301-0 307-0 314-0 

Value (£) . 92-0 103-0 134-0 132-0 120-0 124-0 126-0 

U.K. (£) . 82-0 92-0 i2i-o 117-0 106-0 108-0 iii-o 

Pig-iron (tons) . io-o 107 107 9-6 10-2 io-8 10-4 

U.K. . . 9-6 10-2 io-i 9-0 9-5 io-o 9-5 

Diamonds (£) . 6-8 9-3 9-0 4-8 6-4 8-5 8-3 

Gold (oz.) . . ii-i 11-9 12-1 127 12-8 127 13-2 

Value (£) . 46-6 49'6 507 53'5 54*o 53'6 559 

Transvaal (£) . 20-8 24-6 27-4 29-9 31-0 32-0 35-0 

Australia (£) . 15-5 14-6 13-5 13-0 12-6 11-5 10-5 

Silver* (£) . 1-4 2-0 3-0 3-4 3-8 4-4 4-35 

Canada . 074 1-16 17 2-4 2-9 3-6 3-57 

Copper (£) . 4-4 6-2 6-6 47 4-3 4-4 4-6 

Australia . 2-2 3-3 3-5 2-4 2-3 2-4 2-6 

Tin(£) . . 8-8 107 10-5 87 8-5 9-0 ii-i 

Fed. Malay States § 7-1 8-3 8-1 6-6 6-4 67 8-i 

t May-December. 

* Exclusive of silver contained in silver lead bullion and ore obtained in the 

§ Domestic Exports. 







Brit. Empii 

Mill. £. 

% of total. 

% of total. 

% of total. 

1901 . 

. 54-o 




1902 . 

. 61 -o 




1903 . 

. 67-0 




1904 . 





1905 . 

77 -o 




1906 . 

• 83-o 




1907 . 





1908 . 





1909 . 





1910 . 

93 -o 




1911 . 


37 -o 




Total Net Tonnage entered and cleared, excluding Coasting Trade 
(in 1,000,000 tons) 

A v. 










1 907-1 1. 


British Empire 











United Kingdom 






















Straits Setts.* 



i8- 5 








West Indies 











Hong Kong f 











British India { 






















Un. of S. Africa § 











Australia . 











Other Possessions 











* Including Lai 


f Excluding Chinese junks. 

X Including native craft. 

§ Gross tonnage of steam vessels 1904-6, exclusive of inter-provincial shipping 1910-1 1. 


1. Net Tonnage of Sailing and Steam Vessels Built, exclusive of War Vessels 

(1,000 tons) 
1901. 1902. 1903. 1904. 1905. 1906. 1907. 1908. 1909. 1910. 191 1. 
Brit. Emp. . 1,020 1,010 825 952 1,087 1,197 1,116 652 671 752 1,165 
U.K. . . 972 950 758 882 1,038 1,148 1,037 593 620 698 1,108 
Of the world's output of shipping (average 1910-12) the United Kingdom accounts for 
62 per cent. 

2. Net Tonnage of Vessels on the Register (1,000,000 tons) 

Brit. Emp. . ii-i 11-56 11-83 12-1 12-3 12-8 13-2 13-3 13-3 13-36 13-5 

U.K. . . 9-6 io-o 10-3 10-5 107 11-17 11-48 11-54 11-58 11-55 117 

% of total . 86-5 86-5 87-06 86-78 87-0 87-24 86-96 86-76 87-06 86-46 86-68 

Of the world's total shipping (vessels of 100 tons and upwards) in 1912 the British 
Empire owned 44 per cent. 




Net Tonnage of Vessels engaged 

in the Foreign Trade Entered 

and Cleared 

% of increase 



or decrease, 


Mill. tons. 

Mill. tons. 



Hong Kong (China) 



+ 3i-o 


London (Eng.) 



+ 21-4 


Liverpool (Eng.) . 



+ 16-9 


Cardiff (Wales) . 



+ 14-8 


Singapore (Straits S.) 



+ 46-3 


Colombo (Ceylon) 



+ 72-0 


Gibraltar . 


1 17 

+ 40-5 


Valletta (Malta) . 



+ 16-0 


Aden . 



+ 32-9 


Glasgow (Scot.) . 



+ 45*3 


Durban (S. Africa) 



+ 73-5 


Calcutta (Ind.) 



+ 14-6 


Bombay (Ind.) 



+ 53-5 


Cape Town (S. Africa) 

6-28 1 




Montreal (Canada) 



+ 61-9 


Victoria (Brit. Col.) 



+ 847 


Halifax (Can.) 



+ 937 


Sydney (Aus.) 



+ 317 


Fremantle (Aus.) . 


1 -41 

+ 57-8 


Auckland (N. Z.) . 



+ 66-I 


Belfast (Irel.) 



- 8-5 


* 1904 : until this year inter-state shipping was included in the return. 
t Including gross tonnage of steam vessels. 


Wheat (av. 1 908-11, mill, bush.) 

Cotton (av. 1908-11, mill, lb.) 

Cane sugar (av. 1 907-11, mill, cwt 

Cocoa (census year 191 1, mill, lb.) 

Coffee „ „ „ 


Coal „ „ mill, tons avoir. 

Copper (1910, 1,000 tons) 

Tin (19 10, 1,000 tons) . 

Iron (19 10, mill, tons) . 

Zinc (1910, 1,000 tons) . 



% of Wor 








































Mileage per 




1,000 sq.m. 




of territory. 

India .... 

• 25,365 









United Kingdom . 





Commonwealth of Australia 

• 13.535 




Union of S. Africa 

4,4i6 * 









New South Wales 





Victoria . 





W. Australia . 





New Zealand 





Rhodesia . 





S. Australia 










Tasmania . 




2 5'7 

British E, Africa . 





Ceylon . 





Federated Malay States 





N. Nigeria . 





S. Nigeria . 





Sierra Leone 





Gold Coast . 





Jamaica . 




Northern Territory ( Austra 

lia) 145 




Mauritius . 





British N. Borneo 








British Guiana 





Trinidad . 





Cyprus . 





Uganda (1912) . 





Barbados . 





British Honduras 





Hong Kong 

— ■ 




Straits Settlements 










Malta . 




68 -o 

Zanzibar . 






89,659 * 



* Including Orange Free State, Transvaal, and Basutoland, not at that 
date annexed. 



(in £1,000,000) 
Trade of the British Empire with Foreign Countries 







1903. 1904. 

Imports . 
Exports . 
Total Foreign 

Trade . 
% of total trade 















5497 55Q-0 
3877 403-0 

937-4 953-o 
73^ 73'i 






1910. 1911. 

Imports . 
Exports . 
Total Foreign 
Trade . 


1,010-9 1, 


129-9 l > 


237-6 1, 


126-6 1 


201-2 I 

712-8 732-9 
604-4 619-3 

317-2 1,352-2 

% of total trade 




75 -o 


74-1 73-6 

Trade of the United Kingdom with other parts of the British Empire (excludin( 

diamonds imported from the cape) 

1897. 1898. 1899. i9oo. 1 9oi. i9o2. i9o3. i9o4. 

Imports . . i2i-o 126-9 1297 121-3 121-4 124-6 140-3 151-8 

Exports . . 97-0 99-5 107-8 n6-o 125-1 129-3 131-0 136-2 








Imports . 





1 86-4 



Exports . 








Inter-Colonial Trade (Imports alone given, as the Imports of one Colony 
appear in the trade returns as the exports of another colony) 

1897. 1898. 1899. i9oo. 1 9oi. 1902. i903. i9o4. 
Imports . . 32-0 36-5 41-8 48-8 507 56-4 64-8 63-2 

1905. 1906. 1907. 1908. 1909. 1910. 191 1. 
Imports . . 58-2 64-0 65-3 56-3 57-8 65-8 77-5 

% of total 

% of total 




Total Inter-Imperial Trade 

1898. 1899. 1900. 1 901. 

262-9 279-3 286-1 297-2 

247 25-3 24-4 25-3 



















395 -o 






Grand Total of Trade 
1897. 1898. 1899. 1900. 1901. 1902. 

1,012-3 1,066-5 1,103-8 1,174-9 1,173-0 1,193-8 

1905. 1906. 1907. 1908. 1909. 1910. 

1,366-2 1,5257 1,667-2 1,5027 1,596-3 1,777*2 


































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Fia. 3. Total Trade of the Empire, 1897-1911 
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Fig.4. Imperial Trade : above, imports from, and below, exports to, principal 
Foreign Countries. 




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O 4G0 


eg 440 




< 4 20 






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350 m 
340 o 
330 m 
320 g 
310 H 







1 1 











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— • — 

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—• — 
— -• — 

— • — 

— •— 


Fig. 5. Trade with Foreign Countries (United Kingdom, India, Canada, 
Australia, Union of S. Africa). 




MILLION TONS 1904 'OS '06 '07 

'09 'lO 'll 































• — 

— • 













— •• 

• — 

— • 



— • — 

_• — ■ 





• — 

Fig. 6. Total tonnage of Shipping, entered and cleared, 
exclusive of coasting trade. 

MILLIONS.. 1897 '98 '99 '00 'Ol '02 '03 ; 04 '05 '06 '07 '08 '09 'lO 7/ million Sl. 





g 175 

E 170 

a 165 


t 160 


3 155 


£ 150 

1 1 1 

rj i45 


m 140 













65 £ 

60 m 

55 § 

50 =2 


45 > 

40 ^ 


35 o 

30 o 


25 K 




1 — • 





• — 












•- — ' 


— • 















• — 





— »-~ 






—•■ — 






•— — 

_« - ^' 
















*" — 


^ + 








— • — ' 



• - 


— •'■' 



* // MONTHS 4- /0 MONTHS 
Fig. 7. Revenue of principal divisions of the Empire. 







per sq. m. 

per sq. m. 





Malta . 


Dependencies of Mauritius 


Hong Kong . 


St. Helena 




Sierra Leone 



999 -o 



Aden . 

577 -o 

British Empire 




N. Nigeria 


I. of Man and Channel Is 






Turks and Caicos Is. . 






Straits Settlements 

455- 2 

Gold Coast 

1 87 

St. Kitts 


Fiji .... 


Montserrat . 




United Kingdom . 


Bahamas . 


St. Vincent . 




Nevis . 


Union of S. Africa 






Pemba Is. 


British E. Africa 


St. Lucia 


New Zealand 








Newfoundland . 


Trinidad and Tobago 






British Honduras 


India .... 






Rhodesia . 




British Guiana . 


W. Indies 






Commonwealth . 




Bechuanaland . 


S. Nigeria 


Falkland Is. 


Virgin Is. 


Labrador . 


The population of the British Empire, 417 millions, is approximately 
24% of that of the World, 1,721 millions ; while the density of population of 
the Empire, 36-8 inhabitants per square mile, is y6 in excess of that of the 

Summary for British Empire (including Protectorates) at several dates 

(in £1,000,000) 

1897. 1 901. 1907. 

United Kingdom . 116-0 140-1 156-5 

India . . . 61 -6 76-3 71-0 

Australasian Poss. . 31-05 3677 48-05 

American Poss. . 10-57 14-14 23-69 

African Poss. . . 11-25 13-57 22-57 
Asiatic Poss. (except 

India) . . 3-31 4-99 7-97 

European Poss. . 0-56 0-65 0-83 




Inc. %, Inc. %, 
1897-07. 1901-11. 














A v. rev. 




total rev. 







Total revenue . 234-34 286-52 330-61 394-68 41-1 377 352-14 ioo-o 



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Table of Distances 

Between Ports of the Empire, and between certain other points on Routes 
of Imperial Communications. 


















1 1 ,690 

















Adelaide — Fremantle (W. Aus.) 

„ — Cape Town, direct 
Aden — Colombo 

,, — Suez . 
Auckland — Tahiti . 
Bristol — Kingston (Jamaica) 
Cape Town — Teneriffe 
„ — Fremantle . 

,, — Wellington(New Zealand) via Cook Strait 

,, — Wellington via south of New Zealand 

Colombo — Fremantle 
Colon — Panama (rail) 
Gibraltar — Port Said 
Halifax — Vancouver (rail) 
Hobart (Tas.) — Melbourne 

—The Bluff (New Zealand) 
Honolulu — Suva (Fiji) . 
Kingston (Jamaica) — Colon (Panama) 
Liverpool — Halifax (Nova Scotia) . 

,, — Sydney (Aus.) via Canada 
London — Auckland (New Zealand) via Canada 
— Auckland (New Zealand) via Panama 
— Adelaide via Brindisi (overland) and Suez 
— Adelaide via Gibraltar and Suez 
— Adelaide via Cape Town and Fremantle 
— Adelaide via Cape Town, direct . 
— New Zealand* via Brindisi (overland), Suez, and Mel 

— New Zealand via Cape Town 
— Melbourne via Cape Horn 
— Sydney via Panama 
— Wellington via Cape Town 
— Wellington via Cape Horn 
Panama — Tahiti 
Melbourne — Wellington . 
Southampton — Cape Town 
Suez — Port Said 
Sydney — Auckland 

,, — Vancouver via Fiji 
„ — Suva (Fiji) 
Vancouver — Honolulu 

* The Bluff, South Island. 


Abdur Rahman, 210. 
Abyssinia, 76, 146. 
Acadia, 126. 

Adams, Major Goold, 331. 
Addison, Joseph, 13. 
Adelaide, 348, 351, 378. 
Aden, 146, 174, 198, 353, 

366, 375, 378. 
Adjutant-General, 224. 
Admiralty, 20, 192, 215, 

226 ; administration of 

Ascension Island, 68, 140. 
Adrianople, cholera at, 288. 
Aerial navigation, 227. 
Afghanistan, 172, 173, 184, 

209, 211. 
Africa: disease, 286, 296, 

300, 302, 303 ; maps, 328. 
African Association, 143. 
Agent-General, 44. 
Air Battalion. 227. 
Aircraft Factory, 228. 
Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, 

138, 165. 
Alberta, 135. 
Alcoholism, 270, 274. 
Aligarh College, 246. 
Allahabad, 112. 
Alleghany Mts., 126. 
Allen, R. C, 335. 
All-red route, 350. 
Ambassadors, 76. 
America : communication 

with Great Britain, 22 ; 

disease, 303, 304 ; govern- 
ment, 2. 
American Independence, 

War of, 12, 18, 21, 41, 125, 

Amherst, Lord, 171. 
Amiens, Peace of, 119, 138, 

Andaman Islands, 174. 
Anderson, Major, 314. 
Andijan, 212. 
Angell, Norman, 182. 
Anglo-American Arbitration 

Treaty, 82. 
Anglo-French Agreement, 

Anglo-Russian Agreement, 

174, 183, 209. 
Anglo-Turkish Convention, 

Ankylostomiasis, 303. 
Anson, Sir William, 80. 
Antigonish University, 242. 
Antigua, 137, 375. 
Appellate Jurisdiction Act, 

94, 101. 
Appendicitis, 276. 
Arabi Pasha, 79. 
Army, 187, 203, 216, 224. 
Army Council, 224. 


Arya-Samaj, 246. 

Ascension, 20, 68, 140, 353, 

Ashanti, 338. 

Ashanti War, 142. 

Ashburn, Dr., 293. 

Ashburton, Lord, 132. 

Ashburton Treaty, 131. 

Asphalt, 66, 139. 

Asquith, Mr., 89 ? 203, 218. 

Assam, 171. 

Assaye, 170. 

Assiento contract, 141. 

Atlantic Ocean trade routes, 
51, 346. 

Attache, 76. 

Auckland, 161, 348, 366, 

Auckland, Lord, 172. 

Australia, 5, 242 ; com- 
munications, 22, 51, 348 ; 
defence, 225 ; disease, 275; 
economic conditions, 162 ; 
education, 249, 259, 262 ; 
emigration to, 29, 357, 359 ; 
federation, 52, 158; forests, 
364 ; government, 5, 27, 
32, 44, 47, 88, 156; his- 
tory, 152 ; interests in 
Pacific, 32, 34 ; law, 110, 
112, 114; mails, 350, 
352 ; maps, 318 ; minerals 
364; navy, 54, 59, 62, 
194 ; population, 375 ; 
railways, 25, 351, 367; 
relations with Japan, 184, 
196 ; representation at 
Imperial Conference, 57, 
60, 62 ; representation on 
Privy Council, 103, 117; 
revenue, 376 ; settlement, 
26, 152, 154; sheep- 
farming, 154, 157 ; trade, 
372 ; trade routes, 347 ; 
water-supply, 266 ; wire- 
less telegraphy, 353 ; wool, 

Australian Natives' Associa- 
tion, 159. 

Austria : navy, 192 ; rela- 
tions with Great Britain, 

Austrian Succession, War 
of, 127. 

Bagdad Railway, 352. 

Bahamas, 65, 136, 375. 
j Balfour, Dr. Andrew, 284. 

Balfour, Mr. Arthur, 83, 
i 202 221 

Balkan War, 185, 288. 

Balloon School and Factory, 
1 Baltic Sea, 196. 

Baltimore, Lord, 123. 
Baluchistan, 173, 211, 213, 


Bandar Abbas, 213. 
Bankruptcy Court, Judge 

of, 100. 

Banks, Joseph, 153. 
Barbados, 109, 135, 136, 

138, 367, 375; govern- 
ment, 21, 41, 65. 
Barley, 363. 
Barotze Kingdom, 331, 
Barrow, 229. 

Bartholomew's maps, 311. 
Basutoland, 151, 261, 329, 

330, 375. 

Basutos, King of the, 148. 
Bathurst, Lord, 42. 
Bathurst Plains, 154. 
Beauperthuy,Dr.L. D.,291. 
Bechuanaland Protectorate, 

151, 375. 

Behrens, Captain, 335. 
Belgium : commercial treaty 

with Great Britain, 52 ; 

neutrality of, 181 ; trade 

with Great Britain, 371. 
Bell, Lieutenant, 337. 
Benares, 168. 
Bengal, 164, 166, 175, 246, 

288, 322. 
Bengalis, 231. 
Benkulen, 178. 
Bentinck, Lord William, 


Benue, River, 143. 
Berbera, 146. 
Berbice, 139. 
Beringer, O. L., 331. 
Berlin Conference, 143. 
Bermuda, 65, 135, 340, 375. 
Bethel, Sir Richard, 93. 
Beverley, Captain, 337. 
Bhutan, 174. 
Bihar, 167. 
Bilharziasis, 302. 
Bismarck Archipelago, 163. 
Black Hole of Calcutta, 166. 
Blackwater fever, 286. 
Blair, Surgeon-General, 291. 
Blockade, 190. 
Blue Mts. (Australia), 154. 
Blue Mts. (Jamaica), 137. 
Bluff, the, 348, 378. 
Boers, 148. 
Boileau, Colonel, 332. 
Bokhara, 212. 
Bolan Pass, 174. 
Bombay, 112, 164, 294, 302, 


Borden, Mr., 194. 
Borden, Sir F., 314. 
Borneo, 35, 39, 178. 



Botany Bay, 152. 

Botha, General, 57. 

Boundary Commissions, 
Africa, 332, 333, 338. 

Boundary Commission Sur- 
veys, Canada, 317. 

Bounty, Mutiny of the, 66. 

Bourbon, 152, 170. 

Bridgland, 316. 

Bright, Major, 335. 

Brindisi, 350, 378. 

Brisbane, 293. 

Bristol, 348, 378. 

British Columbia, 25, 134, 

British Dominions Emigra- 
tion Society, 356. 

British East Africa, 25, 35, 
144, 332, 334, 335, 367, 

British Empire : history, 2, 
118, 121, 361. 

British Guiana, 45, 65, 137, 
139, 303, 360, 367, 375. 

British Honduras, 137, 139, 
341, 367, 375. 

British North America Act, 
6, 25, 31, 88, 113. 

British North Borneo, 35, 
39, 178, 367. 

British North Borneo Com- 
pany, 6, 34, 39, 178. 

British Settlements Acts, 

British South Africa Com- 
pany, 6, 47, 151, 331. 

Brooke, Sir James, 38, 178. 

Bruce, Sir David, 298, 301. 

Brunei, 38, 39, 178. 

Bryce, Lord, 84. 

Bug, carrier of disease, 296. 

Bunji, 211. 

Burgoyne, 24. 

Burke, 18. 

Burma, 174, 324. 

Bushmen, 147. 

Butler, Charles, 27. 

Cabinet, 85. 

Cables, 22, 352. 

Cabot, John, 3, 120. 

Cacao, 363. 

Caicos Islands, 136, 375. 

Cairns, 100. 

Cairo, 145. 

Calcutta, 111, 164, 166, 294, 

Calgary, 351. 

Camberley, 225. 

Cambridge University, 244, 
248, 251, 264. 

Campbell, Captain, 332. 

Canada : cables, 51, 352 ; 
defence, 185, 202. 225; 
disease, 274, 275 ; educa- 
tion, 240, 249, 252, 257, 
262 ; emigration to, 28, 358 ; 
government, 5, 19, 26, 31, 
33, 40, 41, 44, 47, 61, 89, 
128 ; history, 16, 126 ; law, 

110, 112 ; mails, 349, 350 ; 
maps, 312 ; navy. 62, 194 ; 
population, 375 ; railways, 
22, 25, 351, 367 ; relations 
with Great Britain, 82 ; 
relations with Japan, 184, 
196 ; representation at 
Imperial Conference, 56, 
60 ; representation on 
Privy Council, 103 ; re- 
venue, 376 ; shipping, 
365 ; settlement, 94, 120, 
135; trade, 136, 342, 372 ; 
trade routes, 346. 

Canadian Pacific Railway, 

Cancer, 276. 

Canning, Lord, 173. 

Canterbury, Archbp. of, 96, 

Canterbury (New Zealand), 

Canton, plague in, 294. 

Cape Breton Island, 127, 132. 

Cape Coast Castle, 141. 

Cape Colony : government, 
26, 27, 43, 46; history, 
146, 150; maps, 329; 
representation at Imperial 
Conference, 51, 57. 

Cape of Good Hope Uni- 
versity, 242. 

Cape Province, 259, 329, 364. 

Cape to Cairo Railway, 151, 

Cape Town, 201, 348, 353, 
366, 378. 

Cape Verd Islands, 22. 

Carnarvon, Lord, 148. 

Carnatic, 165, 167, 168. 

Carolinas, 13, 124. 

Casement, Sir R., 337. 

Cayman Islands, 136. 

Central Flying School, 228. 

Ceylon, 39, 43, 65, 66, 301, 
303, 340, 365, 366, 375. 

Chamberlain, Mr. Joseph, 
34, 52, 87. 

Chandernagore, 166. 

Channel Tunnel, 213. 

Charles V of Spain, 2. 

Charlestown, 293. 

China : British possessions, 
178; disease, 276, 289, 294, 
300,301, 303; naval sta- 
tion, 196 ; relations with 
Great Britain, 77, 78. 

Chinese, 175, 177, 360. 

Cholera, 269, 272, 279, 281, 

Christmas Island, 39. 

Christ's College, New Zea- 
land, 250. 

Church Army, 356. 

Church EmigrationSoc.,356. 

Churchill. Mr. Winston, 192, 
195, 199, 226. 

Clapperton, 143. 

Clausewitz, 180, 219. 

Cleminson, 337. 

Clifton College, 250. 

Clive, Robert, 165, 168, 321. 

Close, Colonel, 332. 

Coal, 364, 366. 

Cochin China, 174. 

Cocoa, 139, 366. 

Coco-nuts, 174. 

Cocos Islands, 38, 175, 353. 

Coe, Captain, 337. 

Coffee, 174, 363, 366, 377. 

Coleman, Dr. A. P., 317. 

Collie, Dr. J. Norman, 317. 

Colombo, 198, 348, 366, 378. 

Colonial Agent, 40. 

Colonial Conference, 49, 108. 

Colonial Land and Emigra- 
tion, Board of, 29, 48. 

Colonial Nursing Associa- 
tion, 270. 

Colonial Office, 1, 5, 20, 21, 
26, 30, 35, 39, 48, 61, 67, 
68, 81, 355. 

Colonial Survev Committee, 

Colonies : history, 2, 94, 120. 

Columbus, 120. 

Commander-in-chief, 224. 

Commonwealth Act, 88, 
114, 159. 

Communications, with co- 
lonies, 22, 34, 69, 346. 

Coningham, Capt., 338, 339. 

Constantinople, 77. 

Consular Service, 75, 76, 83. 

Consul-General, 76. 

Coode, Lieutenant, 336. 

Cook, Captain, 152, 159. 

Cooke and Wheatstone, 22. 

Cook Islands, 163. 

Coote, Eyre, 167. 

Copper, 364, 366. 

Cormantine, 140. 

Cornwall : hookworm di- 
sease, 304. 

Cornwallis, Lord, 169. 

Cottington, Lord, 96. 

Cotton, 363, 366. 

Council of State, 8. 

Court of Appeal, 93. 

Court of Exchequer Cham- 
ber, 92. 

Cox, Captain, 332, 336, 338. 

Craig, Dr., 293. 

Craster, Captain, 338. 

Crewe, Lord, 63. 

Crimean War, 5, 20, 79. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 4, 8, 137. 

Crown Agents for the Co- 
lonies, 45, 47, 48. 

Crown Colonies, 32, 37, 45, 
50, 61, 64, 66, 187. 

Curzon, Lord, 177. 

Cyprus, 35, 66, 99, 120, 340, 
367, 375. 

Cyprus Convention, 181. 

Dalhousie, Lord, 172. 
Dane Mission, 210. 
Dartmouth, Lord, 18. 
Dawson, Dr. G. M., 316. 



Deakin, Mr., 57. 

Declaration of London, 63. 

Defence, 82, 186 ; military, 
202, 207, 216 ; naval, 187. 

Defence Committee, 221. 

Defence Conference, 53, 62. 

Delaware, 125. 

Delhi, 170. 

Demerara, 139. 

Dengue fever, 279, 293. 

Denman, Lord, 94. 

Dependencies, 51, 54. 

Deville, E., 316. 

Devonshire, Duke of, 221. 

Diamonds, 364. 

Dindings, the, 37, 175, 176. 

Diphtheria, 269, 277. 

Diplomatic Service, 74, 83. 

Dirigible airships, 228. 

Disraeli, 79. 

Dobson, Captain M. C, 330. 

Dominica, 137, 138, 375. 

Dominions, 46, 54, 59, 118 ; 
defence, local, 215 ; mili- 
tary, 217; naval, 187, 
193, 199 ; education, 230 ; 
interest in British foreign 
policy, 181, 182 ; judica- 
ture, 102 ; legal problems, 
88 ; relations with Great 
Britain, 81, 84 ; repre- 
sentation on Committee of 
Imperial Defence, 222 ; 
self-government, 24. 

Dominions Commission, 342, 
344, 347, 350, 357. 

Dominions Department, 32, 
59, 61, 68. 

Dorset, Earl of, 96. 

Doucet, Captain, 337. 

Downes, Lieutenant, 337. 

Down Survey of Ireland. 

Doyle, T. A., 11, 13, 40. 

Dukhobors, 360. 

Dunk, George, Earl of 
Halifax, 14. 

Dupleix, 152, 165. 

Durand Mission, 210. 

Durham, Lord, 1, 22, 27, 
31, 33, 130, 132. 

Dutch, in Africa, 140, 141, 
146, 151, 231, 242; in 
Asia, 164, 175, 177; in 
British Guiana, 139 ; war 
with Great Britain, 3, 10. 

Dutch East India Co., 146. 

Dutch West India Company, 

Dysentery, 269, 279, 281. 

Eastchurch, 228. 
Eastern Extension Co., 353. 
Eastern Telegraph Co., 353. 
East India Company, 4, 

20, 122, 140, 164, 167, 173, 

175, 178. 
East Indies : naval station, 

196 ; settlement, 4. 

Education, 230. 

Edward VII : coronation, 


Egerton, Professor, 7. 
Egremont, Lord, 16. 
Egypt : communications, 

353; defence, 202, 214; 

disease, 167, 276, 283, 296, 

302, 303; relations with 

Great Britain, 68, 76, 79, 

118, 183 ; representation 

on Committee of Imperial 

Defence, 212 ; trade with 

Great Britain, 371. 
Elephantiasis, 279, 293, 


Elgin, Lord, 57, 132. 
Eliott, General, 119. 
Ellenborough, Lord, 172. 
Ellice Islands, 164. 
Elliott, Colonel, 337. 
Embassies, 76. 
Emigrants' Information 

Office, 30, 355. 
Emigration, 28, 121, 154, 

156, 353 ; of women, 270, 


Emin Pasha, 298. 
English Channel, 198. 
Enteric fever, 269, 276, 279, 


Esher, Lord, 221, 224. 
Essequibo, 139. 
Evans, Captain, 330, 337. 
Everest, Sir George, 323. 
Expeditionary Force, 137, 

187, 200, 208, 216, 220, 

Eyre, Governor, 137. 

Falkland Islands, 26, 64, 

110, 139, 375. 
Famagusta, 120. 
Fanning Island, 164, 353. 
Farnborough, 228. 
Fashoda, 146. 
Federated Malay States, 176, 

363, 364; disease, 284; 

maps, 339 ; railways, 367. 
Fettes College, 251. 
Fiji : cables, 353 ; disease, 

302 ; government, 65 ; 

history, 158, 163 ; maps, 

340 ; population, 360, 

375 ; products, 66 ; trade 

routes, 348. 
Filariasis, 302. 
First Lord of the Admiralty, 

First Sea Lord, 226. 
Fishbourne, Lieut., 335. 
Flea, carrier of plague, 294. 
Flinders, 153. 
Florida, 16. 
Food-supply and disease, 

268. ™* 
Foreign Intelligence Branch, 

Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 


Foreign Office, 35, 39, 68, 
70, 72, 81, 85. 

Foreign Plantations, Com- 
mission for, 8 ; Council 
for, 9. 

Foreign policy, 180. 

Forests, 364. 

Forster, Arnold, 224. 

Fort du Quesne, 127. 

Fort St. David, 167. 

Fort St. George, 164. 

Fort William (Bengal), 164. 

Fort William (Canada), 351. 

Foster, Hon. George, 90. 

Fox, Charles James, 71, 

France : aerial defence, 
227 ; maps, 312 ; present 
relations with Great Bri- 
tain, 181, 183 ; trade with 
Great Britain, 371 ; war 
with Great Britain, 4, 43, 

Franco-German War, 34, 

Franklin, Benjamin, 41. 

Fraser, River, 134. 

Freetown, 283, 338. 

Free trade, 28, 30, 343. 

Fremantle, 351, 366, 378. 

French, in Africa, 142, 146 ; 
Canada, 126, 128, 133, 
231 ; India, 165 ; Pacific, 
158, 163. 

French East India Co., 152, 

Frith, Captain, 337. 

Fur trade : Canada, 126, 

Galbraith, 336. 

Gambia, 332, 375. 

Gambia River, 140, 141. 

Ganges Valley, 323. 

General Staff of the Army, 
225, 226, 328, 334, 341. 

Geodetic Survey, Australia, 

Geographical Section, Gen- 
eral Staff, 328, 330, 331. 

Geological Survey : Canada, 
313, 316; New Zealand, 

George V : coronation, 60. 

Georgetown, 291. 

Georgia, 125. 

Germain, Lord George, 18. 

Germans, in Africa, 142, 
144, 202; Pacific, 158, 

Germany : aerial defence, 
227 ; competition with 
Great Britain, 34 ; mer- 
cantile treaty with Great 
Britain, 52; navy, 181, 
182, 192, 194; relations 
with Great Britain, 185 ; 
trade with Great Britain, 

Gezira, the, 339. 



Gibbons, Major, 331. 
Gibraltar, 65, 110, 119, 198, 

348, 366, 375, 378. 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 3, 

Gilbert Islands, 164. 
Gilgit, 324. 
Gill, Sir David, 329. 
Girishk, 212. 

Gladstone, W. E., 79, 149. 
Glasgow, 366. 
Gold, 134, 149, 156, 161, 

Gold Coast, 65, 140, 142, 

332, 334, 337, 363, 367, 


Goldie, Sir R., 144. 
Gomal Pass, 211. 
Good Hope, Cape of, 198, 

330, 347, 352. 
Gordon, Captain, 330. 
Gordon, General, 145. 
Gorgas, Surgeon-General, 

Goschen, 53. 
Graham, Dr., 293. 
Grant, 100. 
Great Mogul, 164, 168. 
Great Plague of London, 

Great Slave Lake, 133. 
Grenada, 138, 375. 
Grey, Sir G., 161. 
Griffith, Sir Samuel, 104, 

Guernsey, 68, 95, 340. 
Guggisberg, Major, 336, 338. 
Gurukul, the, 246. 
Gwynn, Major, 339. 

Haffkine's plague vaccine, 

Hague Conference, 83. 
Haldane, Lord, 105, 116. 
Halifax (Nova Scotia), 14, 

131, 258, 346, 348, 350, 

366, 378. 
Hall, Captain, 338. 
Halsbury, Lord, 100. 
Hamburg, 273. 
Harcourt, Mr., 61. 
Hastings, Lord, 171. 
Hastings, Warren, 168. 
Hawkesbury, River, 153. 
Hearson, Lieutenant, 337. 
Hejaz, the, 289. 
Helmand, River, 211. 
Herat, 211. 
High Commissioners, 22, 

34, 47, 48, 68, 223. 
High Court of Admiralty, 

Judge of, 100. 
High Court of Justice, 93. 
Hillsborough, Lord, 18. 
Himalaya Mts., 211. 
Hindu Kush, Mts., 211. 
Hindus, 246, 255.. 
Hispaniola, 137. 
Hobart, 348, 378. 
Hofmeyr, 50. 

Holkar, 171. 

Hollar's maps, 308. 

Home Office, 20, 68. 

Home Ports Defence Com- 
mittee, 222. 

Home Rule Bill, 99. 

Home Secretary, 18. 

Hong Kong, 66, 179, 294, 
340, 353, 365, 367, 375. 

Honolulu, 348, 378. 

Hopkins, Captain, 330. 

Horn, Cape, 347, 348, 378. 

Hottentots, 147. 

Hounslow Heath, 309. 

House of Commons, 92. 

House of Lords, 92, 117. 

Housing and public health, 

Hudson Bay, 347. 

Hudson's Bay Company, 4, 
126, 133. 

Hudson Strait, 347. 

Hume, 154. 

Hunter, Captain, 330. 

Huskisson, William, 43. 

Hyderabad, 170, 326. 

Hyder AH, 168. 

Hygiene, 266, 280. 

Idaho, 134. 

Imperial Act, Australia, 27. 

Imperial British East Africa 
Company, 6, 111, 144, 297. 

Imperial Conference, 22, 32, 
49, 53, 56, 68, 82, 89, 196, 
224, 350, 352. 

Imperial Council, 223. 

Imperial Court of Appeal, 
63, 117. 

Imperial Defence, Commit- 
tee of, 62, 83, 202, 221. 

Imperial Dept. of Agricul- 
ture for the West Indies, 67. 

Imperial Government : re- 
lations with dominions, 31, 

Imperial Institute, 67. 

India : contribution to 
British Navy, 195 ; de- 
fence, 187, 200, 202, 209, 
213; disease, 275, 276, 
education, 239, 244, 250, 
261,264; emigration, 359 ; 
forests, 364 ; government, 
5, 20, 28, 67, 118, 173; 
history, 164 ; labour, 63 ; 
language, 238; law, 99, 
111 ; maps, 321 ; nurses, 
270 ; population, 375 ; 
products, 363 ; railways, 
25, 367 ; religion, 248, 255 ; 
representation on Com- 
mittee of Imperial Defence, 
222 ; representation at 
Imperial Conference, 55 ; 
representation on Privy 
Council, 102 ; revenue, 
376 ; trade, 372 ; wireless 
telegraphy, 353. 

Indian Mutiny, 20, 172. 

Indians, in Mauritius, 152; 
South Africa, 359 ; West 
Indies, 138. 

India Office, 35, 68. 

Indus, River, 211. 

Industry and education, 
263. y 

Intercolonial Railway, Can- 
ada, 25. 

International Joint Com- 
mission, 82. 

International map of the 
world, 312. 

International Sanitary Con- 
gress, 273. 

International Statistical 
Conference, 309. 

Invasion (England) , 202. 

Ionian Islands, 35. 

Iron, 364, 366. 

Isandhlwana, disaster at, 

Isfahan, 213. 

Isle of France: see Mauritius. 

Ismail, 79. 

Ismailia, 283. 

Italians, in Africa, 146. 

Italy : navy, 192 ; rela- 
tions with Great Britain, 

Jack, Major, 335. 

Jackson, Captain, 337. 

Jackson, Captain L. C, 329. 

Jackson, Colonel, 337. 

Jackson, Colonel H. M., 328. 

Jamaica, 4, 9, 40, 65, 136, 
341, 348, 367, 375. 

Jameson Raid, 150. 

Jamestown, 123. 

Japan : disease, 290, 303 ; 
naval defence, 189, 200; 
relations with Great Bri- 
tain, 182, 184, 195 ; trade 
with Great Britain, 371. 

Java, 177. 

Jeppe's maps, 328. 

Jersey, 68, 95, 340. 

Jersey, Lord, 51. 

Jigger, 302. 

Johannesburg, 149. 

Johnston, H. H., 350. 

Johor, 38, 176. 

Judicature Act, 93. 

Judicial Committee, Privy 
Council, 88, 96, 100, 105, 

Judiciary Acts, Australia, 

Justinian, Emperor, 271. 

Kabul, 172, 211. 
Kaffirs, 147. 
Kala-azar, 296. 
Kamerun, 142. 
Kandahar, 212. 
Kano, 144. 
Karachi, 213. 
Kedah, 38, 176. 



Kelantan, 38, 176. 
Kempthorne, Captain, 337. 
Kentish, Lieutenant, 337. 
Kerman, 213. 
Khaibar Pass, 211, 212. 
Khartoum, 145, 284, 339. 
Khedive, 79, 81. 
Kiel Canal, 190. 
King's Bench, Judge of, 100. 
King's Council, 6. 
Kingsdown, 100. 
Kingston (Jamaica), 137, 

Kitchener, Lord, 146, 340. 
Klang, 284. 

Knights of St. John, 119. 
Knox, Major, 336. 
Knutsford, Lord, 50. 
Koch, Prof., 283, 289. 
Koh-i-Baba, 211. 
Kolle, 290. 

Kootenay region, 316. 
Kowloon Peninsula, 179. 
Kruger, Paul, 149. 
Kurrum Pass, 211. 
Kushk Post, 212. 
Kyngdon, Captain, 338. 

Labordonnais, 151. 

Labrador, 375. 

Labuan, 38, 39, 110, 175, 

178, 375. 
Laccadive Islands, 174. 
Lagos, 37, 142, 143. 
Laing, 143. 

Lake-of-the- Woods, 133. 
Lally, Baron de Tollendal, 

Lambton, Colonel, 322. 
Lander, 143. 
Landi Wali, 212. 
Land purchase, Australia, 

155, 157. 
Lang, Colonel, 337. 
Language and education, 

230, 235. 
Laud, Archbishop, 8. 
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 56, 63, 

Laval University, Quebec, 

241, 252. 

Laveran, Prof., 282. 
Law and Education, 257. 
Lawrence, Major, 167. 
Lazear, Dr., 292.' 
Lees, Captain, 338. 
Leeuwin, Cape, 198. 
Leeward Islands, 99, 136. 
Leprosy, 279. 
Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 280, 

Leverson, Colonel, 332. 
Lewis, Sir George Cornewall, 

Liverpool, 348, 350, 366, 

Livingstone. David, 34, 151, 

332, 333. 
Locke, John, 13, 124. 
London, 204, 366, 378. 

London University, 264. 

Long Parliament, 8, 10, 91. 

Looss, Prof., 304. 

Lord Chancellor, 95, 100, 
101, 105. 

Lord Chief Justice, 100. 

Lord Chief Justice of Ire- 
land, 101. 

Lord Keeper of the Great 
Seal, 100. 

Lord President of Court of 
Session, 101. 

Lords of Appeal, 93, 101, 

Louisburg, 127, 165. 

Louisiana, 126, 127. 

Lowell, Professor, 86. 

Lower Canada, 129, 131. 

Lugard, Sir. F., 145, 298. 

Luxemburg, neutrality of, 

Lynch, Captain, 331. 

Lyttelton, A., 55. 

Mc Arthur, J. J., 316. 
McEvoy, J., 316. 
Macfie, Captain, 335. 
McGill University, 241. 
Mackenzie, Alexander, 133. 
Mackenzie, Col. Collin, 325. 
Mackenzie River, 133. 
Mackesy, Captain, 338. 
McKinnon, Sir W., 144. 
Macnaghten, 100. 
Macquarie, Governor, 154. 
Madeira, 348. 
Madras, 112, 127, 164, 165, 

167, 323. 
Madras Observatory, 323. 
Madras Presidency, 169, 

174, 326. 
Mahan, Admiral, 191. 
Mahrattas, 167. 
Mails, carriage of, 348. 
Maine, 126. 

Malacca, 37, 175, 176, 178. 
Malaria, 279, 282, 291. 
Malay Peninsula, 37, 175. 
Malay States, 35, 38, 195, 

Maldive Archipelago, 174. 
Malta, 43, 65, 110, 119, 340, 

353, 367, 375. 
Malta fever, 269, 279, 300. 
Man, Isle of, 68, 99, 111, 

Manchuria, plague in, 295. 
Manitoba, 135. 
Mansfield, 100. 
Manson, Sir Patrick, 279, 

Maoris, 160. 
Maps, 306, 328. 
Marathas, the, 170. 
Marconi Company, 353. 
Marquesas Islands, 158. 
Maryland, 123. 
Mashonaland, 150. 
Massachusetts. 41, 132. 

Massachusetts Company, 

Master-General of the Ord- 
nance, 224. 
Master of the Rolls, 100, 

Matabeleland, 150. 
Mauritius, 66, 170, 353; 

government, 43, 65, 110 ; 

history, 151 ; maps, 340 ; 

population, 375 ; railways, 

Meat, 269. 
Mediterranean fever : see 

Malta fever. 
Mediterranean Sea : de- 
fence, 192, 200, 215 ; trade, 

Mecca, cholera at, 288. 
Melbourne, 157, 348, 378. 
Melbourne University, 251. 
Meningitis, 301. 
Merchantmen, arming of, 

Merv, 212. 
Metcalfe, Sir C, 132. 
Metropolitan Asylums 

Board Fever Hospitals, 

Mfumbiro Mts., 334. 
Milner, Sir A., 150. 
Minister of Marine (France), 

Minto, Lord, 171. 
Mitchell, 154. 
Molesworth, Sir William, 

27, 36, 155. 
Mombasa, 145, 335. 
Monroe doctrine, 185. 
Montreal, 127, 351, 366. 
Montserrat, 99, 137, 375. 
Moore, Captain, 337. 
Morgan, Henry, 137. 
Morocco, 183. 
Morris, Sir William, 329. 
Mosquito, carrier of disease. 

279, 282, 292. 
Moubray, J. M., 331. 
Muhammad Ali, 79. 
Muhammadans, in India, 

246, 255. 
Mullah, 146. 
Murray, General, 17. 
Mutiny Act, 180. 
Mutton. New Zealand, 162. 
Myers, Dr. Walter, 292. 
Mysore, 170, 325. 

Nagana, 298. 

Napoleon, 140, 152, 170. 

Natal, 27, 46, 50, 57, 148, 

328, 330. 

Naturalization, 63. 
Naval War Staff, 225. 
Navigation Acts, 7, 10, 124, 

Navy, 53, 58, 62, 82, 182, 

187, 203, 226, 343. 
Negri Sembilan, 38, 176. 
Nelson, 161. 



Nepal, 174. 

Nesbitt, 99. 

Nevis, 99, 137, 375. 

New Brunswick, 45, 126, 
128, 131, 259, 312, 315. 

New Caledonia, 158, 163. 

New Chaman, 211. 

New England, 21, 124, 125, 

Newfoundland, 110, 242; 
cables, 352 ; fisheries, 6 ; 
government, 3, 26, 45, 47 ; 
history, 126, 132 ; law, 99 ; 
navy, 54 ; population. 
375 ; railways, 367 ; repre- 
sentation at Colonial Con- 
ference, 51 ; representa- 
tion at Imperial Confer- 
ence, 60 ; representation 
on Privy Council, 103 ; 
settlement, 120. 

New France, 126. 

New Guinea, 158, 159, 163, 

New Hampshire, 125. 

Newhaven, Connecticut, 

New Hebrides, 66, 158, 163. 

New Netherland, 124. 

New Plymouth, 161. 

New South Wales, 153, 156, 

New York, 347. 

New Zealand, 110 ; defence, 
225 ; economic conditions, 
162 ; education, 249, 251, 
264 ; emigration to, 359 ; 
forests, 364 ; gold, 161 ; 
government, 27, 44, 47 ; 
history, 159 ; maps, 307, 
321 ; navy, 59, 194 ; rail- 
ways, 367 ; relations with 
Japan, 196 ; representa- 
tion at Colonial Conference, 
51 ; representation at 
Imperial Conference, 60, 
61 ; representation on 
Privy Council, 103 ; re- 
venue, 376 ; settlement, 
160; trade routes, 347; 
wireless telegraphy, 353. 

New Zealand Company, 160. 

Niger, River, 142. 

Nigeria, 25, 35, 37, 142, 332, 
334, 336, 367, 375. 

Nile, River, 145, 350. 

Niue, 163. 

Norfolk Island, 163, 164, 353. 

North Carolina, 121. 

Northern Territories, Africa, 

North Sea, command of, 
188, 190. 

North- West Company, 133. 

North-West Frontier Pro- 
vince, 210, 211. 

North-West Territories, 135. 

Norway, integrity of, 181. 

Nova Scotia : education, 
242,259; government, 26, 

45 ; history, 126, 128, 131 ; 

maps, 312, 315. 
Nugent, Captain, 337. 
Nurses, 270. 
Nushki, 211, 213. 
Nyasaland, 35, 151, 332, 

338, 367, 375. 

Ohio River, 127. 
Oil Islands, 151. 
Oil Rivers, 142. 
Omdurman, 339. 
Ommanney, Captain, 337. 
Ontario, 26, 133, 258, 312, 

Ophthalmia, 302. 
Orange Free State, 27, 46, 

148, 329, 330. 
Ordnance Board, 20. 
Ordnance Survey, 308, 334. 
Oregon, 134. 
Orissa, 167, 289. 
O'Shee, Major, 332, 337. 
Otago, 161. 
Ottawa, 50. 
Oudh, 170. 
Oversea Defence Committee, 

Oxford University, 244, 

248, 251, 264. 

Pacific Fleet, 196. 

Pacific Islands, 32, 35, 158, 

Pacific Ocean, 133, 347; 

cables, 51, 353 ; defence, 

184, 195. 
Pahang, 38, 176. 
Palm-oil, 66. 
Pamirs, Mts., 211, 324. 
Panama, 348, 352, 378. 
Panama Canal, 185, 280, 

292, 347. 
Pangkor, 37, 176. 
Paris, Peace of, 4, 16, 119, 

Park, Mungo, 143. 
Parkes, Sir Henry, 87, 159. 
Parliament, 91. 
Parliamentary Under-Secre- 
tary for Foreign Affairs, 72. 
Parramatta, 153. 
Passenger Acts, 29. 
Pearson, Captain, 338, 339. 
Pemba, 332. 338, 375. 
Penang, 37, 175, 176. 
Pendjdeh, 212. 
Penn, W., 125. 
Pennington, Lieut., 335. 
Pennsylvania, 41, 125. 
Perak, 38, 176. 
Perim, 174. 
Perlis, 38, 176. 
Permanent Under-Secretary 

for Foreign Affairs, 72. 
Persia, 77, 174, 184. 
Petty, Sir William, 308. 
Philip, Captain, 153. 
Philippine Islands : disease. 

289, 293, 300. 

Pilgrim Fathers, 123. 
Pitcairn Island, 66, 164. 
Pitt, 15, 127, 169. 
Plague, bubonic, 270, 276, 

294 ; pneumonic, 295. 
Plague Commission, 295. 
Plassey, battle of, 167. 
Plymouth, 348. 
Plymouth (Massachusetts), 


Pneumonia, 276. 
Pollock, General, 172. 
Pondicherry, 165, 167. 
Pont's maps, 308. 
Port Jackson, 153. 
Port Philip, 154, 156. 
Port Royal, 137. 
Port Said, 378. 
Ports, defended, 201, 216. 
Port Sudan, 339. 
Port Swettenham, 284. 
Portugal, 121, 181. 
Pownall, John, 14. 
Pownall, Thomas, 14. 
Preferential trade, 52, 54, 

59, 343. 
Prerogative Court, Judge of, 

President of the Council, 

100, 101. 
Prime Minister, 54, 58, 60, 

83, 221. 
Prince Edward Island, 45, 

Prior, Matthew, 13. 
Prittie, Captain, 335. 
Privy Council, 7, 10, 14, 17, 

18, 63, 71, 88, 90, 96, 99, 

103, 106, 112, 117. 
Protectorate, 34, 39, 66. 
Province Wellesley, 37, 175. 
Puerto Rico, 304. 
Punjab, 172, 212. 
Puri, 289. 
Pym, John, 8. 

Quarantine, 270. 
Quarter - Master - General, 

Quebec (city), 25, 126, 127, 

Quebec (province), 26, 42, 

133, 257, 312, 315. 
Quebec Act, 128. 
Queensland, 158, 320, 367. 
Quetta, 174, 211, 225. 
Quinte, Bay of, 129. 

Rabindra Nath Tagore, 231 , 

Radcliffe, Colonel Delme, 

Raffles, Sir Stamford, 175, 

Railways, 25, 367 ; Africa, 

145, 151; on Indian 

frontier, 209, 212. 
Rajputana, 212. 
Ralegh, Sir Walter, 3, 120. 
Rand, the, 149. 



Ranjit Singh, 172. 

Rebellion of 1745 . .307,308. 

Red River, 133. 

Relapsing fever, 296. 

Religion and education, 
231, 243. 

Rennell, Major James, 321. 

Resht, 213. 

Revenue of British Empire, 

Rhode Island, 124. 

Rhodes, Cecil, 151, 249, 350. 

Rhodesia, 150, 331, 367. 

Rich, Robert, Earl of War- 
wick, 8. 

Right of Appeal, 106. 

Rimouski, 349. 

Rio de Janeiro, 348. 

Ripon, Lord, 52. 

Roanoke Island, 121. 

Robat, 213. 

Roberts, Lord, 203. 

Robinson, Captain D., 326. 

Robinson, H. E. C, 319. 

Rockefeller, 304. 

Rocky Mts., 133, 316. 

Rodriguez, 151. 

Roebuck, John Arthur, 44. 

Rogers, Prof. Leonard, 290. 

Ross, Sir Ronald, 279, 282. 

Roupell, Captain, 337. 

Rowe, Captain, 337. 

Roy, General, 308. 

Royal African Company, 

Royal Botanic Gardens, 67. 

Royal Colonial Institute, 33. 

Royal Flying Corps, 228. 

Royal Geographical Society, 
318, 331, 341. 

Royal Niger Company,6, 142. 

Royal Patents, 6. 

Rubber, 66, 174, 363. 

Rugby School, 250. 

Russell-Brown, Major, 332. 

Russell, Lord John, 132. 

Russia : on Indian frontier, 
172, 173, 183, 209; pre- 
valence of cholera, 289 ; 
relations with Great Bri- 
tain, 181, 183 ; trade with 
Great Britain, 371. 

Russo-Japanese War, 181, 
184, 189, 214. 

Safed Koh, 211. 

St. Helena, 110, 140, 340, 

341, 353, 375. 
St. John's (Newfo midland), 

346, 350. 
St. Kitts, 99, 137, 375. 
St. Lawrence River, 346, 

St. Lucia, 45, 138, 375. 
St. Vincent, 138, 353, 375. 
Salisbury (Rhodesia), 151. 
Salisbury Plain, 228, 309. 
Salvation Army, 356. 
Samarkand, 209, 212. 
Samoa, 158, 163. 

Sandakan, 178. 
San Francisco, 347. 
Saratoga, capitulation of, 24. 
Sarawak, 38, 39, 178. 
Saskatchewan, 135. 
Saxton, Christopher, 307. 
Scotland : education, 251 ; 

maps, 308, 312. 
Secretary at War, 19. 
Secretary of State, 14, 17, 

43, 70. 
Secretary of State for 

Foreign Affairs, 18, 71, 85. 
Secretary of State for India, 

Secretary of State for the 

Colonies, 17, 29, 36, 58, 67. 
Secretary of State for War, 

Seistan, 212. 
Selangor, 38, 176. 
Selborne, 100. 
Selkirk, Lord, 133. 
Selkirk Range, 316. 
Senegal River, 141. 
Senegambia, 142. 
Sepoys, 173. 
Seringapatam, 176. 
Seven-day fever, 294. 
Seven Years' War, 127. 
Sewage, disposal of, 267. 
Sex and education, 260. 
Seychelles Archipelago, 152, 

Shaftesbury, 124. 
Sheep-farming, Australia, 

154, 157. 
Shelburne, 16. 
Sherbrooke, Sir John, 41. 
Shipping, 365, 374. 
Shipping Act, New Zealand, 

Shiraz, 213. 
Shire district, 151. 
Shushwap Lake, 316. 
Siam, 38, 174, 176. 
Sierra Leone, 141, 283, 332, 

338, 367, 375. 
Sikhs, 172. 
Silver, 364. 
Simon, Sir John, 273. 
Simonds, Major, 337. 
Simonstown, 201, 216. 
Simpson's River, 133. 
Sinai Peninsula, 183, 215. 
Sind, 172. 
Singapore, 37, 40, 66, 175, 

353, 366. 
Sirdar, 90. 
Skaggerak, 190. 
Slavery, abolition of, 21, 

136, 140, 144, 147, 152. 
Sleeping sickness, 297. 
Smith, Adam, 10. 
Smith, Major, 336. 
Smith, Sir Thomas, 122. 
Socialism, 157, 162. 
Society for Promoting Chris- 
tian Knowledge, 356. 
Sokotra, 174, 375. 

Solomon Islands, 163. 

Somaliland, 35, 146. 


South Africa : communica- 
tion with Great Britain, 
22; defence, 202; disease, 
167, 274, 275, 302 ; educa- 
tion, 240, 242, 249, 259, 
262 ; government, 5, 27, 
35, 37, 46, 60, 88 ; history, 
146; law, 110, 112; 
mails, 350 ; maps, 328 ; 
navy, 54, 195 ; population, 
375; railways, 25, 367 ; 
representation at Imperial 
Conference, 57, 60 ; repre- 
sentation on Privy Council, 
103 ; revenue, 376 ; ship- 
ping, 365; trade, 342, 
372 ; wireless telegraphy, 
353; wool, 363. 

South Africa Act, 115. 

South African War, 5, 46, 
150, 207, 217, 221, 223, 

Southampton, 348, 378. 

South Australia, 155, 159, 
320, 367. 

South Island, 161, 321, 348. 

Sovereign : relations with 
Dominions, 87, 90; rela- 
tions with Foreign Office, 

Spain, 119, 121. 

Spaniards, in West Indies, 

Spanish- American War, 188. 

Spanish Council of the 
Indies, 1. 

Special Reserve, 187. 

Speed's maps, 308. 

Speke, 332, 333. 

Spheres of influence, 34, 78. 

Spirits, 377. 

Sprue, 301. 

Staff Colleges, 225. 

Stanford, E., 331. 

Stanhope, 50. 

Stanley, 298, 332. 

Star Chamber, 91 

Steel, Captain, 337. 

Stephen, Sir James, 28. 

Straits Settlements, 35, 37, 
39, 65, 175, 353, 365, 367, 
375, 376. 

Stuart, James, 42. 

Suakin, 339. 

Submarine navigation, 227. 

~udan, 35, 66, " 
145, 332, 339. 

Sudan, Western, 142. 

Sudbury, 351. 

Suez, 348, 351, 378. 

Suez Canal, 79, 198, 214, 
283, 347. 

Sugar, 136, 139, 152, 363, 

Suki, Sultan of, 39 

Sumatra, 175, 178. 

Sungei Ujong, 176. 



Supreme Court of Canada, 

103, 113. 
Suraj-ud-Daulah, 166. 
Surat, 164. 
Surinam, 139. 
Survey of India, 321, 327. 
Suva, 378. 

Swan River Settlement, 155. 
Swaziland, 149, 375. 
Switzerland, neutrality of, 

Sydenham, Lord, 132. 
Sydney, 153, 366, 378. 
Symons, Captain, 338. 

Table Bay, 216. 

Tahiti, 158, 348, 378. 

Talbot, Colonel, 339. 

Taranaki, 161. 

Taranto, 380. 

Tashkend-Orenburg Rail- 
way, 212. 

Tasmania, 320, 367. 

Tea, 174, 363, 366, 377. 

Teheran, 213. 

Telegraphs, 22. 

TenerifTe, 348, 378. 

Termez, 209. 

Territorial Force, 187, 208. 

Tetanus, 279. 

Tewfik, 79. 

Theebaw, King, 174. 

Tibet, 174. 

Tin, 66, 364, 366. 

Tippoo Sahib, 170. 

Tobago, 138, 375. 

Tochi Pass, 211. 

Tonga, 163. 

Tonkin, 174. 

Townsend, 336. 

Townshend, Charles, 16. 

Trade, 7, 76, 196, 386. 

Trade, Board of, 15, 18 , 30, 
68, 74. 

Trade, Board of, Seville, 2. 

Trade, Council of, 9. 

Trade, Lords of, 16. 

Trade and Plantations, 
Board of, 9, 12, 14, 16, 18, 
96, 100. 

Trade Commissioners, Can- 
ada, 82. 

Trade-routes, 346 ; defence 
of, 196. 

Trading companies, 122. 

Trans-Caspian Railway, 212. 

Trans-Persian Railway 213. 

Transvaal, 27, 46, 57, 148, 
329, 330, 364. 

Treasury, 20. 

Tringganu, 38, 176. 

Trinidad, 45, 65, 66, 137, 
138, 341, 367, 375. 

Trinity College, Dublin, 252. 

Triple Alliance, 185, 219. 

Triple Entente, 219. 

Tristan da Cunha, 66, 140. 

Tsetse-fly, 299. 

Tuberculosis, 270, 274, 279. 

Tuckey, 143. 

Tunis, 146. 

Turkey, in Egypt, 183, 215 ; 
relations with Great Bri- 
tain, 77, 181. 

Turkey Convention, 120. 

Turks Islands, 136, 375. 

Two-power standard, 191. 

Typhoid fever : see Enteric 
fever, 276. 

Typhus fever, 296. 

Uganda, 35, 144, 297, 332, 
334, 363, 367, 375. 

Uganda Railway, 25. 

United States of America : 
early settlement, 4 ; navy, 
192 ; relations with Great 
Britain, 102, 185; trade 
with Great Britain, 371. 

Universities, 244, 251, 264. 

Upavon, 228. 

Upper Canada, 129, 131. 

Utrecht, Peace of, 26, 126, 

Vaccination, 274 ; anti- 
typhoid, 277. 

Valletta, 366. 

Vancouver, 348, 351, 353, 

Vancouver Island, 134. 

Van Diem en's Land, 153, 

Vane, Sir Harry, 8. 

Vanua Levu, 340. 

Venice, plague in, 272. 

Vice-Chancellor, 100. 

Victoria, Queen, 22, 49. 

Victoria, 156, 157, 262, 319, 

Victoria (British Columbia), 

Victoria Falls, 151. 

Victoria Nyanza, Lake, 145. 

Victoria University, Man- 
chester, 251. 

Villiers, Lord de, 104. 

Virginia, 3, 120, 122, 125, 

Virginian Company, 4, 7, 
121 122 

Virgin Islands, 137, 375. 

Viti Levu, 340. 

Waitangi, Treaty of, 160. 
Wakefield, Gibbon, 28, 155, 

Walpole, Horace, 14. 
Wandewash, battle of, 167. 
War College, 226. 
Ward, Sir Joseph, 61, 194. 
War Office, 20, 68, 224. 
Washington, 84, 134. 
Waterhouse, Lieutenant, 


Waterloo, battle of, 5, 21. 
Water-supply, 266, 287. 

Watherston, Lieut.-Colonel, 
332, 338. 

Watson, Dr. Malcolm, 284. 

Watson, Lieut. -General, 

Wei-hai-wei, 66, 179, 375. 

Wellesley, Lord, 170. 

Wellington, Duke of, 332. 

Wellington (New Zealand), 
160, 348. 

West Africa : disease, 275, 
297 ; revenue, 376 ; trade 
4, 8. 

Western Australia : govern- 
ment, 27, 50, 51, 158; 
maps, 320 ; nursing, 270 ; 
railways, 25, 367 ; settle- 
ments, 155. 

West India Committee, 68. 

West Indies : acquisition 
by Great Britain, 16 ; 
disease, 275, 300, 301 ; 
economic position, 136 ; 
government, 9, 41, 45, 65, 
110, 135; history, 135, 
140; labour, 30, 360; 
maps, 341 ; population, 
64, 375; revenue, 376; 
settlement, 4, 21, 40; 
trade, 135. 

Wheat, 363, 366. 

Wheeler, A. O., 316. 

Wheeler, H. G., 316. 

White, J., 317. 

Whitlock, Major, 337. 

Williams, Captain, 336. 

Windward Islands, 137. 

Winnipeg, 133, 351. 

Winterbotham, Captain, H., 

Wireless telegraphy, 352. 

Wise, Hon. R. B., 88. 

Wolseley, Sir Garnet, 79. 

Wood and Ortlepp maps, 

Wooi, 139, 363. 

Yaws, 302. 

Yellow fever, 279, 291. 

Yezd, 213. 

York, Archbp. of, 96, 101. 

York, Cape, 153. 

York Town, 208. 

Young Men's Christian 

Association, 356. 
Young Women's Christian 

Association, 356. 

Zambezi, River, 350. 
! Zanzibar, 35, 270, 332, 338, 
I 367,375. 

| Zeppelin airships, 229. 
| Zhob Pass, 211. 
I Zinc, 366. 
I Zulus, 148. 

Oxford : Horace Hart M.A. Printer to the University 



DA Herbertson, Andrew John (ed.) 
11 The Oxford survey of the 

H4.7 British Empire